No.1036 June 2023

Special Issue: The Ukraine Crisis in Historical Perspective (Ⅰ)
Prefacethe Editorial Board(1)
The War in Ukraine and Its Impact on the Transformation of the World SystemYUI Daizaburo(2)
The United Nations and the 2022 Russian Invasion of Ukraine: a Historical PerspectiveHANZAWA Asahiko(8)
The Sino-Soviet Relationship Between Alliance and Power-Sharing: the Cold-War Structure in East AsiaMATSUMURA Fuminori(14)
Interventionist America? : The War in Ukraine and Limits of American PowerMIMAKI Seiko(21)
Perestroika and Ukraine: For a historical understanding of the Russian-Ukrainian WarSHIOKAWA Nobuaki(28)
Austrian Parliamentary Elections of 1907 in Eastern GaliciaOTSURU Atsushi(35)
Thoughts Facing War: Perspectives of Tolerance and Nationalism of LiberalistsUEDA Miwa(46)
The Genealogy of War Theory after Clausewitz and the Construction of War PerspectiveNAKAJIMA Hiroki(53)
Relay Talks: On the 90th Anniversary of Our Society (4)
Move forward without Fear!KURITA Yoshiko(61)
Invited by Everyone: Rekiken, the Japanese Ancient History Section, and the CommitteeMIYATAKI Koji(65)
Book Reviews (Unless otherwise noted, the works are written in Japanese)
OTA Izuru, Guan Yu and the Spiritual Legends: The Eurasian World and Imperial Territory of the Qing DynastyISHINO Kazuharu(69)
Exhibition Reviews
Samurai: History and Legend at Cambridge University LibrarySATO Yuki(73)
Recent Publications(78)
Statement on the Issue of "Non-Exercise of Moral Rights of Authors" in the Compilation Project of Setagaya Ward History(83)


The War in Ukraine and Its Impact on the Transformation of the World System

YUI Daizaburo

NATO’s eastward expansion after the end of the Cold War, is one of the causes of the War in Ukraine. Therefore, it is necessary to review the process of ending the Cold War. The process is characterized by many more elements than the establishment of a unipolar hegemony by the United States due to the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The process was a result of combinations of multiple factors, such as the regional wars in the Gulf Region and   former Yugoslavia, regional integration as represented by the formation of the European Union, and globalization as represented by the formation of the World Trade Organization.   Amongst these various factors, this paper focuses on the process whereby the US unipolar hegemony fell into a decline in the 20 years after the end of the Cold War, and became embroiled in a struggle for hegemony with China. Moreover, we need to search for ways to prevent the Ukrainian War from escalating into War of the Great Powers with the risk of nuclear war. To achieve this end, this paper points to the need to further develop relevant  international organizations and international law, and to downgrade the overwhelming importance of hegemony by pursuing regional integration.

The United Nations and the 2022 Russian Invasion of Ukraine: a Historical Perspective


The United Nations (UN) has in fact been playing a more important role than may be generally assumed in the Ukrainian crisis that stared with the Russian invasion in February 2022. This article provides a historical overview to support this contention. The near 80-year history of the UN can be divided into three periods: 1945-1960 (the first phase), 1960-1990 (the second phase) and 1990 – present (the third phase). The UN was a creation of great power politics after the Second World War and it is inevitable that the organization is heavily affected by the real politics of the times. It does not possess sizable military and economic means but is able to become a moral and political focus of international opinion. This conspicuously occurred the impressive historical events such as the Suez Crisis of 1956, the adoption of the Resolution 1514 in 1960, and the Gulf War of 1991. Through the present Ukrainian crisis, in addition to the related agencies’ comprehensive effort to abate the resulting humanitarian crisis, the Security Council has been asked to be more accountable than before to the General Assembly, whose status is clearly on the rise.

The Sino-Soviet Relationship Between Alliance and Power-Sharing: the Cold-War Structure in East Asia


After the end of the Cold War, the “liberal democratic” order has expanded globally, lately prompting serious challenges mounted by Russia. It resembles “the twenty years’ crisis (1919-1939)” in which the Anglo-American order provoked the defeated powers’ vengeance. For now, some observers render two major authoritarian powers (i.e., Russia and China) similarly as adversaries against the “liberal democratic” order by associating the war in Ukraine with the crisis across the Taiwan strait. Though both powers resemble each other in their foreign policy, they lie in contrasting international structures. In East Asia the “status-quo”, the legacy of the Cold War (i.e., the US-led alliances as well as division lines across the Taiwan strait and on the Korean peninsula), has remained, lacking the Western regimes’ expansions that took place on the European front. This paper aims to show the origins of such an international structure in East Asia by focusing on the Sino-Soviet relationship. In stark contrast to the US-led alliances, the Sino-Soviet alliance lacked strong collective defense arrangements and expected Beijing to play a major role in encouraging revolutionary movements in East Asia. Thus, the “Sino-US” rivalry was centered in the regional Cold-War structure, in the absence of the any Soviet great interventions.

Interventionist America? : The War in Ukraine and Limits of American Power


This paper considers the question of to what extent the war in Ukraine has transformed US foreign policy. Sworn in as the 45th president of the United States in 2017, Donald Trump asserted that U.S. foreign policy should put the interests and security of American people first, and that the United States should reduce its overseas commitments. Trump’s “America first” foreign policy doctrine reflected American citizens’ deep concerns about the effects of spending taxpayer dollars on overseas operations that could be better spent at home. Incumbent US President Joe Biden has also advocated “a foreign policy for the middle class,” which bears a close resemblance to Trump's “America First.” The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, however, has drastically changed the course of U.S. foreign policy. A strong majority of Americans has supported sending arms and economic aid to Ukraine, which amounted to $60 billion in 2022 alone. However, with no end in sight to war, Americans are becoming divided over whether the United States should support Ukraine as long as it takes or if it should urge Kyiv to settle for peace as soon as possible. Some Republican lawmakers are openly questioning the amount of U.S. aid to Ukraine, citing the looming recession and domestic problems. The paper questions whether the invasion of Ukraine will result in a real paradigm shift of U.S. foreign policy.

Perestroika and Ukraine: For a historical understanding of the Russian-Ukrainian War


When the historical background of the Russian-Ukrainian War (the war of aggression by Russia and the defensive war by Ukraine) is discussed, many tend to focus primarily on the periods of the Russian Empire and Stalin, and neglect the magnitude of the change in the late Soviet period (perestroika period). Trends in the perestroika period in Ukraine can be subdivided as follows: (1) Until 1988, (2) 1989, (3) the first half of 1990, (4) fall 1990 to mid-91, and (5) August–December 1991. It is important to note that none of the Central leadership of the USSR, Ukraine, and Russia were a single entity, but diverse currents existed within each entity, and their interrelationships were highly fluid and varied over time. Thirty years have passed since then, and the current situation cannot be considered a direct extension of the past, but the diversity of the actors and the mobility of the interrelationships are important when trying to understand the current situation.

Austrian Parliamentary Elections of 1907 in Eastern Galicia

OTSURU Atsushi

This study deals with the Austrian parliamentary elections of 1907 in Galicia. They were conducted under universal male suffrage for the first time. Electoral districts represented ethnically homogenous units as much as possible. Each ethnicity was allotted an electoral districts in proportion to its population. However, each Eastern Galician election district was allocated two seats. So numerous heterogeneous election district elected their majority candidates with more than 50% of votes while the minority candidates with as low as 25%. Election campaigns were often prolonged and occasionally turned into violence.

The majority was comprised of Poles in Western Galicia and Ruthenians in Eastern Galicia. As Jews were not officially categorized as an ethnicity, they were not allotted any election districts. However, they could cast the decisive votes in the elections.

In the Polish camp Conservatives monopolized political power and they were content with the existing Dual Monarchy system. The leadership cadre of the Polish People’s Party was composed of village honorable persons, while National Democrats were not indigenous and thus more independent-minded. Ruthenians had two dominant political currents, Old Ruthenians and Young Ruthenians. The old Ruthenians originated from strong Russophile convictions of Greek-Catholic priests, while the Young Ruthenians’ concern was to promote their own national culture. Galicia became the focus of a Zionism-oriented Jewish national movement. Poles, Ruthenians, and Jews had their own version of Social Democrats.

During the prolonged election campaign of 1907 all political parties both fought and cooperated with each other to order to secure seats in the parliament. The Austrian parliamentary elections of 1907 offered each of the Galician political parties an opportunity to express their own claims.

Thoughts Facing War: Perspectives of Tolerance and Nationalism of Liberalists

                                                                 UEDA Miwa

This paper aims to examine how Japanese and Chinese liberalists engaged the reality of the Sino-Japanese War (1937-45) in order to seek for suggestion to understand the Ukrainian War today, and to look for any possibility to stop the war. The Japanese liberalists, ISHIBASHI Tanzan (1884-1973) and KIYOSAWA Kiyoshi (1890-1945) had different opinions on war. Ishibashi thought that liberalism did not always deny war because he distinguished liberalism from pacifism. On the other hand, Kiyosawa emphasized his anti-war attitude. After the creation of Manchukuo, both of them eventually came to accept Manchukuo as the status quo, and underestimated Chinese resistance though they had previously understood Chinese nationalism from their viewpoint of the protection of self-determination. However, the Chinese liberalist HU Shih (1891-1962) thought that Manchukuo was a symbol of Japanese aggression and the root of hatred of Japan. In the end, Japanese and Chinese liberalists came into conflict over their views on tolerance and nationalism. There were three possibilities to stop war which subsisted in liberalism: a renunciation of war, nationalism, and individualism. The first originated from a desire to preserve lives, and the second from a sense of duty to save their nation, and the third from giving precedence of individuals over the nation.

Genealogy of War Theory after Clausewitz and Construction of War Perspective


This article provides an overview of the genealogy of war theory and examines its continuity and discontinuity with the current view of war. The basis for this is the Theory of War (1832) by Carl von Clausewitz, a Prussian soldier. An overview of the characteristics of his "Theory of War" will be presented. The article discusses the essential characteristics of the Theory of War that have gained attention, and the circumstances that have made it the touchstone of the theory of war. Next, it refers to the situation in which the escalation of war since the 20th century has changed the way we view war and the very foundations of war theory itself. Lastly, it points out that while our viewpoint on contemporary war is still influenced by the standards presented by Clausewitz, it tends to be influenced by contemporary information, such as changes in technology, and has a strong constructivist hue. What historical studies should do is discuss war from a perspective that emphasizes its relationship with human existence, which is different from the "view of war" that emphasizes mass media and technology.

No.1035 May2023

HIGO Kazuo’s History and War Cooperation: Focusing on the Greater East Asian Culture Construction TheoryNAKAMURA Norihiro(1)
The Support Base of the Liberal Members of the House of Representatives under KONOE’s "New Order" in 1941: The Case of KAWASAKI Katsu and the Iga Area of Mie PrefectureTAKASHIMA Sho(17)
Current Topics
On the Issue of Abolishing the Survey on Rural CommunitiesMATSUZAWA Yusaku(32)
Book Reviews (Unless otherwise noted, the works are written in Japanese)
HARADA Masahiro, The Republic of Political Violence: Street Fights and Barroom Brawls in the Weimar PeriodNAGATA Hiroaki(38)
Relay Talks: On the 90th Anniversary of Our Society (3)
The "So-Called Rekiken Faction" and Its PerimetersKISHIMOTO Mio(41)
A Modest Proposal for the Future Activities of RekienMINAGAWA Masaki(44)
Preparatory Papers for the General Meeting of the Historical Science Society of Japan in May 2023(48)
Request for Continuation of the Survey on Rural Communities(60)
We Request the Expansion of the Knowledge Information Base by Improving the Copyright Handling of the Digital Collections of the National Diet Library(61)
The 2023 General Meeting of the Historical Science Society of Japan(63)


HIGO Kazuo’s History and War Cooperation: Focusing on the Greater East Asian Culture Construction Theory


This paper uses a case study of HIGO Kazuo’s (1899-1981) theory on Constructing a Greater East Asian Culture to examine why historians cooperated in Japan’s Pacific War, and the meaning of their collaboration.

Higo’s Greater East Asian Culture Construction Theory envisions a concentric world centered on the emperor as a cultural authority, assuming that the ancient spirit remaining in Japanese farming villages could be applied to embrace the Greater East Asian region.

The background of Higo’s cooperation in the war effort lay in the decline of rural traditional culture as a result of the economic revitalization movement and other modernizing efforts in rural areas. Higo hoped that by relocating the significance of traditional culture and ancient mentalities in the movement to build a Greater East Asian culture would lead to a revival of rural culture, and was thereby drawn into wartime cooperation.

This study of Higo’s discourse demonstrated that there was a close affinity between rural sensibilities and nationalistic discourse, providing a popularist basis for nationalistic historical discourses.

The Support Base of the Liberal Members of the House of Representatives under Konoe’s "New Order" in 1941: The Case of KAWASAKI Katsu and the Iga Area of Mie Prefecture


The purpose of this article is to clarify the development of the "New Order" at the local level by analyzing the relationship between the liberal members of the House of Representatives and their support base.

Ueno City in Mie Prefecture(三重県上野市) was the base of support for KAWASAKI Katsu(川崎克), a member of the liberal faction of the House of Representatives. Within the Ueno city council, pro- and anti- Kawasaki factions confronted each other over the establishment of an “Imperial Rule Assistance (Yokusan) City Council” under the aegis of the “New Order” (a political movement led by KONOE Fumimaro and modelled on the German National Socialist Movement). This factional conflict was finally resolved through the adoption of the “Yokusan City Council” by unanimous vote.

In other cities during the same period, there were many attempts to construct the “New Order” through electoral means. Whether the " New Order" was brought about by elections or by the direct management of the city government, localities took on a diverse range of approaches to the adoption of the "New Order." Ultimately, in Ueno City, politicians undermined the “New Order” as a political system by incorporating it into the preexisting local political structure.

No. 1034 April 2023

Special Issue: XXIII International Congress of Historial Studies- Poznań 2022
International Congress of Historical Studies in Poznań, Poland: An OverviewOZAWA Hiroaki
Major Themes
(MT01) Intertwined Pathways: Animals and Human Histories
– Animal’s Agency – Animals in Human Records
 ASADA Shinji(5)
Specialized Themes
(ST09, RT07) The Current Research Status of Gender History and Women's HistoryMATSUMOTO Yuko(12)
(ST20. RT17) Debates on Digital HistoryMORITA Naoko(17)
Joint Sessions
(JS10) Revolutionary Nationalism in a Global PerspectiveYAMAZAKI Koichi(23)
(JS11) Sources of Historiographical Methodology in East Asia and EuropeOKAMOTO Michihiro(28)
Round Tables
(RT01) Borders and Borderlands: the Slavdom over the Centuries
― Culture and Society―
(RT18) Rescuing and Preserving Historical Documents and Materials during and after Natural DisastersOKUMURA Hiroshi(37)
The International Affiliated Organizations (International Community of Historical Studies)
Current Topics
How will the Museum Change?: Meaning of the "Amendment" of the Museum ActIWASAKI Naoko(57)
Current Topics:The Ukraine Crisis
Russia's Invasion of Ukraine and the International OrderGOTO-SHIBATA Harumi(65)
The 2023 General Meeting of the Historical Science Society of Japan(67)

No. 1033 March 2023

Special Issue: A Gaze Directed at Recreation Areas
Prefacethe Editorial Board(1)
Tang and Song Dynasties: People’s Use Night MarketsSHIO Takugo(2)
Regulations on Meyhane and Alcohol Distribution in Istanbul at the End of the Reign of Süleyman ISAWAI Kazuaki(12)
Political Dinners and an ‘Intoxicated Public Sphere’ in Early Nineteenth-Century BritainMASAKI Keisuke(23)
The Rise and Fall of the American Workingman’s Saloon at the Turn of the 20th CenturyOKAMOTO Masaru(33)
The Intellectual Resistance in the period of the Dark Valley: Ara MasahitoWATANUKI Yuri(45)
Current Topics:The Ukraine Crisis
Ukraine and Russia: A Conflict among "Heirs of Common Ancestry "FUKUSHIMA Chiho(61)
We Support the Position Expressed by the Science Council of Japan in Response to the Government's PolicyThe Committee(66)
Symposium of Rekishigaku Kenkyukai “Let's Talk about Academism and Gender!”(67)


Tang and Song Dynasties: People’s Use Night Markets

SHIO Takugo

In contrast to Chang’an during the Tang Dynasty, which was placed under state control under the Fangshi system, commerce and economy flourished greatly in the two capitals of Kaifeng and Lin’an during the Song Dynasty; the standard of living of the common people improved, and the entertainment district flourished.

The “night market in the Tang era” was saloon-oriented. It was a place of entertainment for the upper classes, such as bureaucrats, nobles, and wealthy merchants. In particular, it was often used by bureaucrats for entertainment and to interact with other people. On the other hand, the “night market in the Song era” was used by people from a wide range of social classes, from bureaucrats to common people. It was not only saloon-oriented, but tearooms and restaurants also flourished in the market. The users of bars were mostly bureaucrats and intellectuals, and their main purpose was to interact with people. Teahouses and restaurants were often used by various classes for dining.

The temporary lifting of the prohibition of night business due to the Lantern Festival served as a springboard for the establishment of the night market. With the gradual collapse of the state under the Fangshi in the late Tang era, the prohibition of night business was relaxed. In the latter half of the Northern Song Dynasty, the government relaxed the prohibition of night business in response to the lifestyles of urban residents, and the “night market in the Song era,'' which was open all night, flourished.

Regulations on Meyhane and Alcohol Distribution in Istanbul at the End of the Reign of Süleyman I

SAWAI Kazuaki

Socialization accompanied by drinking alcohol has continued even in regions where the influence of Islam, which prohibits intoxication, is dominant. Even in the Ottoman Empire, often called the last “Islamic Empire,” the existence of the so-called “Prohibition Edicts” (İçki / Müskirat Yasağı), which were promulgated intermittently, is well known, but their contents have never been examined in detail. However, a careful examination of the primary historical materials of the time reveals that the reality of the “Prohibition Edicts’’ were far removed from being dogmatic and absolute bans.

On the basis of recent research results, this paper examines the state of entertainment districts in Istanbul, the capital of the Ottoman Empire, and discusses the “Prohibition of Alcohol’’ supposedly enforced at the end of Süleyman I's reign. At the same time, focusing on various regulations on taverns (meyhane), this paper aims to empirically reveal the various aspects of these regulations based on historical materials from the same period.

Political Dinners and an ‘Intoxicated Public Sphere’ in Early Nineteenth-Century Britain

MASAKI Keisuke

Political dinners, held in many parts of Britain in the early nineteenth century, were a significant part of an ‘intoxicated public sphere’. They fostered a sense of unity among the participants through the festive atmosphere created by toasts and music. Political dinners also allowed committee members to utter the political messages that those members wished to share with the public. For the most part, political dinners ended with order and harmony maintained, but this does not necessarily mean that the committee succeeded in promoting unity and indoctrination. Participants interpreted the committee’s intentions from the proceedings in their way and sometimes had negative feelings towards the committee. In addition, the active involvement of attendees occasionally led to partisan disputes at the dinner and, though rarely, to confrontations involving the use of force. An ‘intoxicated public sphere’ embodied at political dinners worked through the complex interplay between the opposing dynamics of unity and conflict and of order-making and active engagement. Political dinners, albeit with notable ups and downs in terms of importance, would presumably continue to play a role in shaping public opinion in the Victorian period and beyond.

The Rise and Fall of the American Workingman’s Saloon at the turn of the 20th Century


In the prohibition movement saloons were generally treated negatively as “a den of vice,” because they were linked to gambling and prostitution as well as “reciprocal treating” for getting drunk. Moreover, they were also thought to be evil because they had become bases for corrupt machine politics.

  Until the late in the 19th century, however, most saloons were in fact wholesome. These “poorman’s clubs” were frequented mostly by laborers, many of whom were immigrants from the same ethnic background as the owners of the saloons. Light diversion was not the only reason that customers visited saloons after a long day of hard work.

  The newcomers gathered there to seek someone to help find places to stay and jobs, while speaking to other patrons in their own languages. Saloons provided laborers with a “free lunch” at a very low price. They also lent “back rooms” for labor union’s meetings, and other social events like wedding receptions. In this paper I mainly discuss the functions of the neighborhood saloons, revealing the other side of the story, the working-class side.   

The Intellectual Resistance in the period of the Dark Valley : Ara Masahito


After the March 15th affair in 1928 and April 16th affair in 1929, there were few anti-establishment movements left exisiting in Japan. However, there were a handful of intellectuals who opposed war through their writing.

Ara Masahito was one of those intellectuals. After the outbreak of the Japanese-Chinese War, the authorities fiercely suppressed free speech, making it extremely dangerous for writers to publish their opinion. Then, why did Ara write? What spurred him to take such risks?

A clue to these concerns lies in his experience of a “Reading Society” in his school days, and in his relationship with a trade union activist.

The aim of this article is to analyze his text, especially his book reviews mainly published in the literary coterie magazine Gendai-bungaku, locating them in the historical  context of wartime, revealing his thought of “resistance”.

Gendai-bungaku was issued from December 1939 to January 1944. At that time Ara wrote his articles under the pseudonym of “Akagi Shun”.

No. 1032 February 2023

Maritime Regime under the Ottoman Empire and Venice: As Viewed through the Articles of “Piracy” in Ahdnâmes and nişan-ı hümâyûnSUEMORI Haruka(1)
Current Topics
France's "Electoral Revolution", Act II: the Presidential and Legislative Elections of 2017 and 2022 in Historical PerspectivesNAKAYAMA Yohei(14)
Series: Writing History (1)
Series: Writing History (1)the Editorial Board(25)
Writing History Textbooks: The "Now" and its PremisesOGUSHI Junji(26)
Considering the Current State of History Textbooks: Taking a Cue from the Developments in GermanyKONDO Takahiro(32)
“Modern and Contemporary History” as written by students: “Modern and Contemporary History” and TextbooksYAMAKAWA Shiho(38)
History Textbooks and the Logic of ExaminationMITANI Yoshiyuki(46)
Market Peculiarities of Textbooks and Specific Aspects of History Textbook Editing: From the Editorial Experience over the Last Quarter CenturyOYA Masashi(52)
Relay Talks: On the 90th Anniversary of Our Society (2)
The Vitality of the Historical Science Society: From the Experience of Two Extraordinary General MeetingsIKE Susumu(59)
In the Fluctuation of "Postwar Historiography"KATO Chikako(62)


Maritime Regime under the Ottoman Empire and Venice:As Viewed through the Articles of “Piracy” in Ahdnâmes and nişan-ı hümâyûn


The maintenance of a maritime regime suppressing piracy was the one of the main diplomatic topics between the Ottoman empire and the European countries for a long period. The details of this regime were regulated by ahdnâmes, diplomatic documents issued by the Ottomans to the Europeans. Among the European states, Venice occupied a leading position in diplomatic relations with the Ottoman empire. With this view, this paper focuses on the case of the maritime regime as it was negotiated between the Ottomans and Venice. In recent works, the formation of this regime up until end of the sixteenth century has been well discussed, but research on the regime in the seventeenth century is still inadequate. This is despite the increase of “piracy,” particularly that of Magribian corsairs during this century. This problem became so severe that it led to a break-down in diplomatic relations between the two states in the 1630’s, as represented by the Avlonya Incident. This paper examines the articles of “piracy” in ahdnâmes and nişan-ı hümâyûn, another document issued to Venice after the Avlonya Incident, to make clear the formation process of the maritime regime mainly directed against Magribian corsairs during the seventeenth century. In this revised framework, Magribian corsairs were positioned in the traditional framework of the maritime regime, which emphasized the role of Ottoman local officials in anti-“piracy” practices.

No. 1031 January 2023

Special Issue: Social History of Book Collections (III)
Knowledge Formation and Collection Culture in Early Modem JapanKUDO Kohei(1)
“Local Libraries as Repositories of "Knowledge" in the Meiji Era:
The Case of the Hachinohe Book Library
SUZUKI Yoshitoki(12)
The Funeral Rites of the Emperor and Nyoin in the Early Modern Periods and the Monzeki Temples:
Focusing on the Movemenst within Monzeki Temples of Tendai Jimon Sect Related to "Hogan-goyo"
SATO Kazuki(25)
Notes and Suggestions
Korean Women's Movement and Japanese Military Sexual Slavery after the Colonial Liberation:
A Perspective on the Japanese Military "Comfort Women" Issue from the Historical Study of the Korean Women's Movement
RI Ryongsil(43)
Relay Talks: On the 90th Anniversary of Our Society (1)
Considerations on the Significance of the Activities of Academic OrganisationsHARADA Keiichi(55)
Book Reviews (Unless otherwise noted, the works are written in Japanese)
KONDO Tsuyoshi, History of Japan-Goryeo RelationsAKABAME Masayoshi(58)
Current Topics: Ukraine Crisis
Information Warfare on a ‘pledge' Not to Expand NATO into the EastYOSHITOME Kota(62)
Recent Publications(64)
Notice of Amendments to the Regulations on Journal SubmissionsThe Committee(67)


Knowledge Formation and Collection Culture in Early Modern Japan

KUDO Kohei

This paper evaluates the libraries as an organization of information and knowledge that has been intentionally selected and systematized by the builder of the collection in response to the specific awareness of issues and interests of individuals, families (ie) and groups. Thereafter, through an analysis of library catalogs, which represent the owners' perception of the collection, this paper elucidates the actual situation of the formation, accumulation, and inheritance of knowledge in early modern Japanese society. A major feature of the collections is that a variety of information and knowledge (documents, compilations, books, objects), such as practical and customary aspects, region-specific aspects, aspects relating to political economy that transcends regions and hierarchies, and academic and universal aspects are managed in an integrated manner, and multifaceted knowledge has been constructed through mutually complementary relationships between the varying aspects. In addition, the overemphasis on individual collection composition due to awareness of issues and specialization has realized the construction of comprehensive knowledge through mutual complementation in local communities. Although the composition of this way of knowledge varied according to each individual's position, it can be confirmed beyond social status, occupation, and gender differences, and can be said to be a characteristic intellectual activity since the early modern period (collection culture).

Local Libraries as Repositories of "Knowledge" in the Meiji Era: The Case of the Hachinohe Book Library

SUZUKI Yoshitoki

The libraries in the Meiji period were said to be formed on the premise of the early modern use of books, and to have become the prototype of the modern public library. However, there is no study that details the formation process and social significance of the collection based on regional and historical characteristics. In particular, since many parts of local libraries remain unclear, I took up the Hachinohe Book Library (the predecessor of the Hachinohe City Library) as an example and examined it in detail. I summarized that the collection in the Library was imprinted with the persistence of "knowledge" unique to the Hachinohe Domain, the influence of the educational policies of the 1870s, and the changes in the trends of thought in the Hachinohe Town area. In addition, I clarified that the Library had inherited and expanded the collection of the early modern book lending organization and played a role in spreading the "knowledge" unique to the Hachinohe domain area, and concluded that there was a social significance similar to that of the private libraries of the “kyushizoku" after the 1890s. Furthermore, I pointed that the Library was used to promote "national essence" (kokusui) and, like other "kyushizoku" educational institutions, supported the military expansion of Imperial Japan.

The Funeral Rites of the Emperor and Nyoin in the Early Modern Periods and the Monzeki Temples: Focusing on the Movemenst within Monzeki Temples of Tendai Jimon Sect Related to "Hogan-goyo"

SATO Kazuki

This paper examines Monzeki門跡 temples of Tendai Jimon Sect天台宗寺門派 from the viewpoint of the issue of "Hogan-goyo"宝龕御用 in imperial funeral rites.

Senior officials of the Onjoji Temple園城寺長吏 were entitled to manage "Hogan-goyo" in the Genna元和 period. In the latter half of the seventeenth century, a system in which Jissoin実相院 differentially managed it became firmly established. In the Genroku元禄, Hoei宝永, Horeki宝暦 period, although disputes arose between Jissoin and Onjoji, the imperial court authorized Jissoin to manage "Hogan-goyo". However, the imperial court decided to return to the principles of the Genna period in 1795, which granted Onjoji the authority to manage "Hogan-goyo". This decision was approved by Jissoin through the compromise between Shogoin聖護院 and Jissoin in 1813.

Monzeki temples of Tendai Jimon Sect in the late early modern period were forced to maintain and assert their own functions due to the fact that Buddhist memorial services for the imperial family at court were limited to those led by Tendai Sanmon Sect天台宗山門派, and Monzeki temples of Tendai Jimon Sect were becoming Sekke-monzeki摂家門跡 and lacked abbots. Following the change in the Kansei-Bunka寛政~文化 periods, “Hogan-goyo" was reinterpreted as a ritual which should be maintained by the entirety of Tendai Jimon Sect, in response to the fear that "Hogan-goyo" would be ordered to other sect.

Korean Women's Movement and Japanese Military Sexual Slavery after the Colonial Liberation: A Perspective on the Japanese Military "Comfort Women" Issue from the Historical Study of the Korean Women's Movement

RI Ryongsil

Understanding the relationship between the "regulated prostitution system" and the Japanese military "comfort women" system has long been a major point of contention in the study of the Japanese military "comfort women" system.

This paper aims to clarify the perspective of the women's movement on this topic by focusing on the development process of the Korean women's movement that pursued "women's liberation."

This article confirms the following perceptions from the standpoint of the women's movement: First, Japanese imperialism was responsible for the structure of sexual exploitation and sexual violence during colonial rule, from the "regulated prostitution system" to the Japanese military "comfort women" system. Second, this structure emerged as an issue that had to be addressed in the process of building an independent nation. Important "testimonies" of the victims of Japanese military sexual slavery emerged during the process of developing the women's movement based on this understanding.