Jan・Feb・Mar・Apr・May・Jun・Jul・Aug・Sep・Oct・Extra・Nov・Dec
No. 1048 May 2024
| Articles | ||
| Studies on the Hon. Pal’s Dissenting Judgement Paper and his Invitation to Japan: A Study of Criticism of the Tokyo War Trials Court in the 1950’s and 1960’s | NAKADATE Yuki | (1) |
| Do the “radicals” overthrow or activate democracy?: The “Radical Decree” in Hesse, West Germany in the 1970s | KAWASAKI Satoshi | (18) |
| International Exchange | ||
| Reflections on Japan-Korea Historical Dialogue: Participation in the 23rd Japan-Korea Conference of Historians | SASAKI Makoto | (35) |
| Book Reviews (Unless otherwise noted, the works are written in Japanese) | ||
| TAKATORI Ren, Temples under the Political Order of Ashikaga Shogun Family | SAITO Natsuki | (42) |
| KIKUCHI Kazutaka, Chinese Kuomintang Special Agencies and the Anti-Japanese War: ＣＣ Groupe, Blue Shirts Society and The Three Principles of the People Youth League | FUJII Motohiro | (45) |
| Preparatory Papers for the General Meeting of the Historical Science Society of Japan in May 2024 | (50) | |
| Announcements | ||
| Notice of Amendments to the Regulations on Journal Submissions | The Committee | (64) |
| The 2024 General Meeting of the Historical Science Society of Japan | (65) | |
Summary
Studies on the Hon. Pal’s Dissenting Judgement Paper and his Invitation to Japan: A Study of Criticism of the Tokyo War Trials Court in the 1950’s and 1960’s
NAKADATE Yuki
This paper is an empirical study of the process of the translation of the dissenting judgement papers submitted at the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal by the Indian judge, the Honorable Radhabinod Pal’s, and his subsequent invitation to visit Japan. This was brought about during the 1950’s and 1960’s when members of three different groups drawn from former members of the Japanese Imperial Army and Navy such as Toyoda Kumao, politicians who had been arrested or tried by the Tribunal such as Kishi Nobusuke and Kiyose Ichiro, and members of the Pan-Asia Study Group such as Shimonaka Yasaburo, came together to criticize the War Crimes Tribunal. By examining this process, this paper aims to demonstrate how these criticisms gained expression in contemporary politics and society, what influence this had.
We show that the military clique of Toyota etc. formed the Study Group of the Tokyo Tribunal and clashed with Tanaka and other former Pan-Asianists as to whether the Hon. Pal’s judged Japan to be innocent of war crimes. However, Kishi and Kiyose supported both factions, and brought them together to invite the Pal to Japan in 1966.
Moreover, organs of the Japanese government provided covert support the publishing of the translation of the Pal judgement papers and his invitation to Japan. We conclude that the three groups involved in this process worked to undermine the intent of the 11th article of the San Fransico Peace Treaty.
Do the “radicals” overthrow or activate democracy?: The “Radical Decree” in Hesse, West Germany in the 1970s
KAWASAKI Satoshi
This article examines changes in the understanding of democracy in the Federal Republic of Germany in the 1970s, with the “Radical Decree” as an example. This decree was issued after the protest movement of 1968 to prevent mainly radical left-wing activists, who were potentially hostile to the “free and democratic basic order”, from being employed as public servants. The Hessian state government administered this decree circa 1975–1978.
Regarding the “Radical Decree”, there was a conflict between the “defensive democracy”, which restricted political forces opposed to the state’s “free democratic basic order”, and the “party privilege”, which activated the diversity of political activities of the democracy as a whole, and there consequently was no need to repress smaller radical forces too harshly. During the conflict, various controversies arose, such as citizens’ dissatisfaction with political belief inspections, the burden of the Nazi past on West German democracy, the “contribution” of communists to the Anti-Nazi-Movement and democracy, and the expectations of citizens’ political capacity to sustain the democratic system. This analysis of the “Radical Decree” reveals part of the historical development of West German democracy.
No. 1047 April 2024
| Special Issue: Japan as Revealed by Diplomatic Rituals | ||
| Preface | the Editorial Board | (1) |
| Articles | ||
| Circumstances Surrounding Rituals Held in Honor of Guests: Banquets at Ancient Japanese Private Residences, Imperial Meeting Halls, and Korokan | HAMADA Kumiko | (2) |
| Perspectives on Historical Diplomatic Ritual Study: Focusing on Japan-Ming Relations in the Muromachi Period | HASHIMOTO Yu | (13) |
| The Diplomatic Ceremony between Japan and Korea at Busan and Tsushima in the Early Modern Times | YONETANI Hitoshi | (23) |
| Diplomatic Rituals of the Ryukyu Kingdom in the 18th and 19th Centuries: Focusing on Ceremonial Rites Related to the Written Pledges and Investiture to the Throne | ASO Shinichi | (34) |
| Developing the “Cultural History of Diplomacy”: On Researching Bakumatsu Diplomatic Ceremonial | SANO Mayuko | (47) |
| Announcement | ||
| The 2024 General Meeting of the Historical Science Society of Japan | (63) | |
Summary
Circumstances Surrounding Rituals Held in Honor of Guests: Banquets at Ancient Japanese Private Residences, Imperial Meeting Halls, and Korokan
HAMADA Kumiko
Previous research has placed considerable emphasis on identifying the various roles assigned to the Emperor, who participated only in the rituals honoring guests, and the Daijokan (highest governing body in the imperial system), which was responsible for all diplomatic activities. However, when foreign envoys who were not provided with an official welcome were received with a feast upon arrival, retainers sometimes held banquets. This study examines the feasts held at the private residences of nobles, imperial meeting halls, and the Korokan (official guest houses) to determine the circumstances surrounding rituals held in honor of guests.
The results indicate that three types of rituals were held upon arrival at the capital: 1) poetry banquets at rituals honoring guests, 2) farewell parties to which retainers were dispatched, and 3) poetry banquets held by members of the literati. These were all held under the diplomatic authority of the Emperor. The second type has been considered a variation of the banquets held at aristocrats’ mansions in the eighth century, but on the occasion of the arrival of envoys from the Tang Dynasty court in China in 779 (the tenth year of hoki) in Japan, a custom began in which the king was given presents at a farewell party given by retainers. In the ninth century, it became customary to hold a national diplomatic ritual consisting of a banquet held at an imperial meeting hall at which unofficial presents would be given in reciprocity. The third type was thought to be a private banquet held by the nobility where interactions as equals were possible. However, our results indicate that this third type was also permitted by the diplomatic authority of the Emperor.
Perspectives on Historical Diplomatic Ritual Study: Focusing on Japan-Ming Relations in the Muromachi Period
HASHIMOTO Yu
The purpose of this paper is to examine the practice of diplomatic ritual theory and to see what kind of scholarly scope it could have. The subject of this study is how the third Muromachi Shogun Yoshimitsu and the sixth Muromachi Shogun Ashikaga Yoshinori received Ming envoys and Ming state documents. The research materials are the Mansai jugō nikki Diary, which dates from 30 years after the ceremony of the Yoshimitsu period, and the Socho-so Ho-hencho-ki (Japanese Record of Ming Dynasty Diplomatic Envoys’ Letters of Reply), which dates from the same time (Yoshimitsu period) but has not been examined previously. The two documents describe the same scene, but there are contradictory passages between them. In the past, I reconciled the two and stated that Yoshinori did not adopt as self-deprecatory a pose towards the Ming as Yoshimitsu. This time, however, I basically credited the latter account and adopted the position of relativizing the former. As a result, the conclusion is that Yoshimitsu adopted a far more coercive stance than Yoshinori.
There are other examples of Mansai writing falsehoods in his diary, and it is therefore possible for Mansai lied in his diary. Thus, the study of historical diplomatic rituals is directly related to the issues of historical material research and social history. I would argue that this is one of the destinations of Historical diplomatic ritual Study.
The Diplomatic Ceremony between Japan and Korea at Busan and Tsushima in the Early Modern Times
YONETANI Hitoshi
During the pre-modern period, a diplomatic protocol known as shukuhai (a form of veneration) was performed as part of the international relations between Japan and Korea. Diplomatic envoys would perform this ritual when granted an audience with the head of state of the country being visited. The diplomatic envoys would first bow from the waist while standing, then kneel with their hands placed together, and finally return to a standing position. This was done a total of four times and was known as kikkyu-shihairei (one bow and four genuflections) or simply shihairei (four genuflections). All envoys from Japan who visited Hanseong during the medieval period performed the four genuflections in the garden of the palace when granted an audience with the Korean king. However, after Toyotomi Hideyoshi’s invasion of Korea, Japanese envoys were completely banned from visiting Hanseong; as a result, they performed the four genuflections in front of a wooden tablet known as the Jeonpae in Choryang Ceremony Hall in Busan. Thus, as it was impossible for the envoys to have an audience with the Korean king, they venerated the Jeonpae in place of the king. A Jeonpae was also erected in the main hall of a temple building on the island of Tsushima known as Itei-an where Korean envoys would perform the four genuflections when visiting Tsushima.
Diplomatic Rituals of the Ryukyu Kingdom in the 18th and 19th Centuries: Focusing on Ceremonial Rites Related to the Written Pledges and Investiture to the Throne
ASO Shinichi
This paper examines how the Shuri royal government managed to reconcile the reproduction of subordination in diplomatic rituals with the Satsuma clan and Qing China with the exaltation of Ryukyuan kingship, using the rituals related to the Written Pledges and the Investiture to the Throne. The Written Pledges of high-ranking officials of the royal government showed a double oath structure, with the various Ryukyuan officials pledging to the king and the king pledging to the head of the Shimazu family. On the other hand, in the ritual of making the written pledges, which was performed in Ryukyu with Satsuma clan officials as observers, the making of the written pledges took precedence over Ryukyu's fidelity. I pointed out that the rituals related to the investiture of the throne involved a diplomatic performance that concealed the relationship between Japan and the Ryukyus, represented an ideal "vassal state", and emphasised the "small state" status of the Ryukyus.
And it is clear that the royal costume represented the authority of the Ryukyu king and was used differently depending on the other party and the content of the rite.
Developing the “Cultural History of Diplomacy”: On Researching Bakumatsu Diplomatic Ceremonial
SANO Mayuko
“Bakumatsu diplomatic ceremonial” primarily refers to the seventeen audience ceremonies for Western diplomats at the shogun’s castle between Ansei 4 (1857) and Keio 3 (1867). This practice, analogous to today’s credential presentation ceremonies, expresses the establishment of a relationship of equality between the host nation and foreign nation by having two bodies (of the former’s head of state and a diplomatic envoy representing the latter’s head of state) come face to face, and ceremonially demonstrates the essence of modern diplomacy. Traditionally believed to have been introduced post-Meiji Restoration (1868), it actually began under the Tokugawa regime.
A significant portion of this paper revisits my research published in 2016 as Bakumatsu gaikō girei no kenkyū: Ōbei gaikōkan tachi no shōgun haietsu (Kyoto: Shibunkaku), focusing on the important continuity it discovered at the beginning and end of these eleven years. At the beginning, the shogunate adopted ceremonial practices used for receiving Korean missions, linking early modern Asian diplomacy to new international relations with the West. At the end, the final ceremony became a model for the diplomatic ceremonial of Emperor Meiji that started in the following year.
In its second part, this paper argues that such research on ceremonial leads to a multi-layered understanding of diplomacy, especially by looking at individuals at the forefront of diplomatic operations and thereby challenging the traditional view of nineteenth-century international relations that understands historical phenomena primarily in terms of pressure exerted by the West on the East. Furthermore, I also discuss issues surrounding the internationalization of research, mainly drawing from my monograph’s seven-year-long English translation process (the results of which will soon be published by Amsterdam University Press as Japanese Ceremonial for Western Diplomats Attending Shogunal Castle Audiences 1857–1867), and juxtapose these with the lingering “West on East” pressure dynamics that, despite the findings of my research, still characterize bakumatsu diplomatic ceremonial.
No. 1046 March 2024
| Articles | ||
| The Beginning of Modern Chinese Maritime Policy: Fishery Protection Policy of the Nationalist Government of Nanjing | SATO Ryosei | (1) |
| Morals and the Economy seen from Taverns in Eighteenth Century France | KIMIZUKA Hiroyasu | (18) |
| Trends | ||
| A Review of Research on the Soviet-Japanese War of August 1945 | ASADA Masafumi | (32) |
| Book Reviews (Unless otherwise noted, the works are written in Japanese) | ||
| IMAZU Katsunori, Environment and Society in Ancient Japan | SATODATE Shodai | (40) |
| EBARA Masaharu, The Middle Ages in Maps: Traffic and Society | OCHIAI Yoshiaki | (43) |
| KANEKO Hajime, The State and Merchants in Modern China: The Dynamics of Tax Administration and the Order of Trade Associations | KAJIMA Jun | (46) |
| IKEHATA Setsuho, A Study of the Philippine Revolution | HIROSUE Masashi | (50) |
| HORII Yutaka, The Formation of the Early Modern Eastern Mediterranean: Mamluk Dynasty, Ottoman Empire and Venetians | TAKADA Ryota | (53) |
| NAKAZAWA Tatsuya (ed.) , Republic with a King: The Jacobins Reconsidered | UEGAKI Yutaka | (56) |
| NAGAI Nobuhito, Society and Politics in Modern Paris: Exploring the Everyday Life of the City | TANIGUCHI Ryosei | (59) |
Summary
The Beginning of Modern Chinese Maritime Policy: Fishery Protection Policy of the Nationalist Government of Nanjing
SATO Ryosei
In the mid-1920s, Japanese fishing vessels covered almost the entire Chinese coast, and fishing disputes between Japan and China became chronic. The Beijing government of the Republic of China drew up plans to protect the Chinese fishing fleet, but it was the Nationalist government located in Nanjing that brought this plan into realization. This paper examines modern Chinese maritime policy, focusing on this fishery protection plan of the Nationalist government of Nanjing.
Fishery protection plan of the Nationalist government of Nanjing consisted of two dimensions: the enclosure of coastal fisheries by enacting relevant laws and asserting Chinese territorial waters, and the enforcing an aggressive policy of excluding foreign fishing vessels. The former, however, only enclosed a minimal area due to difference of opinion among the central government agencies regarding the territorial waters, while the latter was largely unrealized due to the inadequate financing from fiscal agencies such as the Ministry of Finance and Chinese Maritime Customs.
The sequence of events surrounding the fisheries protection policy points to structural problems facing the Nanjing National Government as an administrative body. Administrative agencies of the Nationalist government of Nanjing were not only in the process of organizational formation, but also limited by a lack of adequate enforcement agencies and administrative resources. In addition, the problems faced by the government as a whole, such as discrepancies between policy issues and administrative structures and budget shortfalls, also piled up. As a result, there were disagreements among the administrative offices of the Nationalist government of Nanjing, and the fishery protection plan did not fully develop.
The Nationalist government of Nanjing marked a milestone in modern China's maritime policy by establishing sovereignty over coastal waters through the establishment of territorial waters and at the same time implementing a policy of fisheries protection based on territorial waters. However, various challenges such as differences of opinion among departments and the lack of administrative resources, still remained. Although the Nationalist government of Nanjing had established the appearance of a modern territorial sovereign state, it had only just begun to develop the administrative organs that would support state operations.
Morals and the Economy seen from Taverns in Eighteenth Century France
KIMIZUKA Hiroyasu
This paper examines the connection between the "civilization of morals" and the economy through state policies and discourses of taverns in early modern France.
First, the Police adopted the image and discourse from earlier times that taverns were "meeting places" for people of various classes, and supervised their operation in the name of maintaining social order.
Second, the supervision of taverns by the Police reflected the economic importance of taverns. In fact, moralists did not deny the taverns themselves, but rather criticized the fact that intoxication in taverns reduced work efficiency, linking the disorder of morals to the stagnation of economic activity.
Third, as the spirit of diligence and thrift became incorporated into the identity of the elite class, they shifted away from taverns. As a result, the clientele of taverns came to be dominated by "the masses," including laborers. Thus, taverns became associated with the lives of the masses, who had not yet achieved a "civilization of morals," and were integrated into the modern urban economy under the supervision of the authorities.
A Review of Research on the Soviet-Japanese War of August 1945
ASADA Masafumi
Russia has displayed a marked tendency in recent years to use the Soviet-Japanese War of August 1945 for political purposes. Japan long lagged in research on this issue. The results of Japanese scholarly investigations have gradually come to be published. Nevertheless, Japanese studies on the Soviet-Japanese War remain behind on the following three points: first, emperor Showa’s attitude toward the war and how his stance affected his operations; second, women as victims of the war and why Soviet soldiers committed acts of sexual violence and pillage against Japanese civilians; and third, the overall image of damages incurred by the Japanese in this war, including the number of casualties. A recent trend is observed to elevate Japanese military personnel such as Higuchi Ki’ichiro above historical facts or, conversely, to discredit them. Instead, there is a need for a balanced discussion based on primary historical documents, for example as in the context of the origins of the Siberian internment. Support is also required for research that is not restricted to written documents, for example, surveys of war-related sites or interviews with people who experienced the war.
No. 1045 February 2024
| Article | ||
| Chinese Studies in Japan and Research Grants from U.S. Foundations: A Reconsideration of the A/F Debate, 1962 | KUBO Toru | (1) |
| Series: Writing History (3) | ||
| Issues and Possibilities of Historical Exhibits as Public History | TAKEUCHI Yuri | (17) |
| Historical Revisionism and What the Display of "Simplified Narratives" in Museums Represents | KANEKO Atsushi | (24) |
| What "Writing History" Means for Regional Museum Curators | NISHIMURA Takeru | (32) |
| Considering the History of Disaster-Stricken Areas and the Passing on of the Memory of the Disaster: From the Fukushima Prefecture Reconstruction Memorial Park and the Editing of Oazashi | IZUMITA Kunihiko | (38) |
| New Insights into the Clandestine Research Conducted by the Japanese Imperial Army at the Noborito Research Institute | WATANABE Kenji | (45) |
| Book Reviews (Unless otherwise noted, the works are written in Japanese) | ||
| SHIMIZU Katsuyuki, A Social History of the Muromachi Period: Autonomy in the Medieval World | MATSUZONO Junichiro | (51) |
| MOTOJIMA Kazuto, A Study of Manchurian Migrants and the Youth Volunteer Army: the Execution of National Policy in Nagano Prefecture | KIMURA Miyuki | (54) |
| IKUTA Michiko, From Manchuria to the Siberian Internment: Women in the Soviet-Japanese War | FUKUCHI Svetlana | (56) |
| KIM Hanbark, An Era of Exile: The Qing Dynasty and Punishment | TAKATO Takuji | (60) |
Summary
Chinese Studies in Japan and Research Grants from U.S. Foundations: A Reconsideration of the A/F Debate, 1962
KUBO Toru
In the 1960s, funding for the Center for Modern Chinese Studies at Toyo Bunko by the Asia Foundation and the Ford Foundation aroused much controversy. From 1962 onwards, the Center's focus on collecting materials and issuing catalogs reflected this debate. The first point to note is that along with the opinions criticizing the acceptance of grants, various scholars also supported accepting the grants. The second point is that the deep sense of war guilt amongst scholars of Chinese studies for their activities in the pre-war and wartime periods was a background to the expansion of the movement. Third, one of the problems was that both of the grants were considered to be roughly the same. While the Ford Foundation's grant was an academic grant from a private foundation, the Asia Foundation's grant was funded by the CIA, an important fact which was covered up at that time. After the A/F problem debates, quite more Japanese researchers became to consider that independence of research activities is very important. Some of articles published at this time criticized the one-sided viewpoints of either despising or lavishing praise on China. On the other hand, it was also an undeniable fact that various biases, including views that placed excessive emphasis on popular struggles and revolutionary movements, emerged in Chinese studies.
No. 1044 January 2024
Summary
Difficulties and Possibility of (My) Talking About Gender
ONODERA Takuya
Talking about gender is not easy as what each person sees differs greatly depending on their position. Even “difficulties in life” that may seem insignificant to one person may be very serious to another. The significance of this symposium is that each person speaks as “I” in such a situation, sharing various “life hardships” that they have not been able to see on their own until now.
This study examines how we can “upgrade” our narratives about gender from four viewpoints. First, to create a space where we can talk openly and freely about gender. Second, to speak about the issue of gender as introspectively as possible. Third, to consider the extent to which we as researchers should seek to “upgrade” society in terms of the “layers” and “emotions” of our readers. Fourth, to consider both social diversity and “whataboutism.”
Academism and Gender: From the Experience of the National Museum of Japanese History’s Special Exhibition
YOKOYAMA Yuriko
This article discusses the current state of academism and gender in the context of the National Museum of Japanese History, based on the museum’s experience of holding the 2020 Special Exhibition in Japanese History. The 2017 International Research Meeting, held in preparation for the planned exhibition, reported on experiences at the National Museum of Taiwan History, the National Museum of Singapore, and the Manchester Natural History Museum in England since 2000. In Taiwan, the Gender Equality Education Act ensures that all museum operations, including research, collection, organization, and visitor services, are based on gender equality principles. In Singapore, gender is always incorporated into the overarching perspective of diversity, and in Manchester, efforts are being made to make the biased gender consciousness of exhibitors themselves visible. Compared to these global trends, Japanese history museums are completely behind the curve. Tas a premise to overcome this situation, it will first be necessary to reform the administrative structure of musems on a clear basis of gender equality. The next step would be to introduce a gender perspective into the research underpinning exhibitions, and to utilize the potential of artifacts as we strive for improve the current situation.
The Tracks of University of the Sacred Heart’s History Club for Alumnae: 1966–1996
TSUCHIDA Hiroshige
The OG Club of the University of the Sacred Heart’s History Department was founded in 1966 and disbanded in 1996. Its activities included book readings, lectures, publication of a newsletter (once a year), and tours of historical sites. In March 1971, there were approximately 200 members, about 30 of whom were available to participate in activities. Particularly enthusiastic members established study groups such as the “Toynbee Reading Group” within the association and continued their studies by reading historical books and teaching each other. The University of the Sacred Heart also appreciated and supported the activities of the OG Club, which remained active for the 30 years of its existence until it was disbanded owing to a lack of successors and the aging members of its members. The OG Club was founded at a time when it was difficult for women to continue their higher education and advanced studies. In this situation, women who wanted to study history after graduation created their own places of study. Similar examples can likely be found elsewhere. When considering “academism and gender,” it is also necessary to pay attention to activities outside the university.
Thinking about the Culture of Historiography： From the Perspective of Men's History and Gender History
YUGE Naoko
Theodor Mommsen (1817-1903) and Heinrich von Treitschke (1834-1896), who were leading figures in the field of modern historiography, belonged to men's associations during their student days; these associations strengthened the bonds between men through drinking parties, duels, etc., and honed their masculinity. The historiographers at that time believed that men made and wrote history. It can be pointed out that the methods of historical research, practiced in German universities which, since the 19th-century, did not allow the admission of women and were called “schools of masculinity” second only to the military, also incorporated “competition between men over the truth.”
This culture of “academic masculinity” forms the basis of contemporary Japanese historiography. It is important to critically examine, in terms of masculinity, the image of historians and the state of this field of study and to recognize that these are historically constructed and can be changed. It is necessary to cultivate an awareness of these issues through gender (history) education in specialized courses. Historiography, by transforming itself from something monolithically male to something diverse in terms of gender and sexuality, will come to offer society a richer and more mature array of knowledge.
Move Forward Beyond the Symposium ‘Discussion on “Academia and Gender”’: Empirical Research in Historical Studies and its Inheritance
IWAMA Toshihiko
This symposium demonstrated that the awareness of gender issues enriches historical research, that we should rethink our confrontational and ‘masculine’ research stance, that gender issues are challenges that require our resources and energy, and that we need to take the initiative in addressing gender issues in historical research. While tackling these issues, we reconfirmed the importance of critical reading of previous works, collecting documentary and other evidence and then critically examining these sources, and searching and analyzing digitized primary sources. Even for us who are conscious of gender issues, we need to verify and inherit the methods of empirical research in historical studies.
Opening up Academia to Society as a Place for Talking about Gender
INOSE Kumie
Shortly after its establishment, the Gender Equality Association for Humanities and Social Sciences (GEAHSS) carried out a large-scale WEB survey on gender equality among researchers in the humanities and social sciences, and provided data on the actual situation of gender equality in these fields. In response, the Historical Science Society of Japan (HSSJ) discussed this theme at a special subcommittee for its 2018 annual conference. Moreover, HSSJ chose “hardship in history and in our time” as the theme for its 2020 annual conference, and in the course of planning and preparation, it was found that “hardship” was and has been linked to gender inequality as well as it being socially constructed in its structure. The book Academia and Gender (2022) is a result of these on-going discussions among HSSJ and its members.
The landmark nature of this book can be seen prominently in section III, a dialogue among its editors who tried to tell their own stories of “being a historical researcher” in the first person. In addition, we can recognize that gender equality enriches historical research throughout the book. This recognition is precisely the reason why positive actions for gender equality are important in academia. Though it is difficult to prove the relationship between gender equality and the quality of research, we must pay more attention to the possibility of how the first-person narrative will be shared and developed into the second-person narrative, “We”. This will encourage historical researchers to open up their own research to the world outside the university.
The Movement to ‘Eliminate Unlawful Influence’: The Establishment of the Electoral Amendment 1304 (1925) on the Eve of Pahlavi Iran
TOKUANGA Yoshiaki
This paper aims to portray the early efforts to implement the universal male suffrage system effectively in Iran, by focusing on the legislation of the Electoral Amendment 1304 (1925), the first reform attempt since the establishment of the system. Specifically, it analyzes the parliamentary deliberations on the amendment along with their political and social backgrounds. This analysis indicates that many individuals who were involved, including government officials, local notables, and even ordinary voters, committed electoral fraud at that time. To eradicate this widespread fraud, deputies of urban intellectuals called for reforms of elections in rural areas, with the aim of eliminating unlawful influences. They took the initiative for legislating the necessary amendments which gave authority to the central government to supervise provincial governors who had all-pervasive influences on rural elections. However, the newly crowned king Reza Shah (1925–1941) abused this authority of the central government, controlling constituencies all over the nation and manipulating their election results as he liked, even though the legislation originally aimed at preventing unlawful influences on elections. Consequently, the Electoral Amendment 1304 in fact helped the central government to systematize electoral fraud, in contrast to its legislative intents.