The Society edits the Journal of Historical Studies (REKISHIGAKU KENKYU) monthly, which is published by Aoki-Shoten (Aoki Publishing CO.). The Journal contains articles, research notes, review essays, book reviews etc. Some issues are published as Special Issue, each of which contains articles regarding the specific theme, such as "Lawsuit in Comparison" or "History Textbook and the Textbook Trial."

No.874 December 2010


SPECIAL ISSUE: Language as Politics (Ⅱ) :
  Deciphering the Interplay between Language Communities, State, and “Empire”
Articles
Education and National Identity in Linguistically Border Regions in the Austrian Empire:
  The Case of German Schools in the City of Ivancice……KYŌGOKU Toshiaki(1)
Trends
Politics of Language in Europe:
  Perspectives in Bridging History and Sociolinguistics……KIMURA Gorō Christoph(12)

Book Reviews (Unless otherwise noted, the works are written in Japanese)
The Shanghai Historical Association of Japan(ed.),
  Shanghai Before and After 1949……………………………MISHINA Hidenori(24)
SAKAMAKI Kiyoshi, Development of the English Woolen Industry……NAKANO Tadashi(27)

Critical Reviews on the Reports Presented at the 2010 Annual Meeting of the Society
Plenary Session…………………………………IIJIMA Wataru, HIRATA Masahiro(31)
Ancient History Section………………………HAMADA Kumiko, TANAKA Satoshi(35)
Medieval History Section………………………………………NISHITANI Masahiro(37)
Early Modern History Section…………………………………………MISAWA Jun(40)
Modern History Section……………………………FUJINO Yūko, SHINODA Tōru(43)
Contemporary History Section…………………………………………OSA Shizue(46)
Joint Section……FUKUYAMA Yūko, KUSABU Hisatsugu, MUKAI Shin-ya, AOTANI Hideki(48)

Recent Publications………………………………………………………………(54)

Index. Nos.862-874(January-December 2010)……………………………………(59)

<Summary>
Education and National Identity in Linguistically Border Regions
   in the Austrian Empire:
   The Case of German Schools in the City of Ivančice
KYOGOKU Toshiaki

   This article examines the question of elementary education in linguistically “border regions” in the late 19th century Austrian Empire. It takes up the case of German schools in Ivančice / Eibenschitz, a city situated in southern Moravia. By analyzing the circumstances surrounding the construction of these schools, and examining different attitudes and discourses presented by journalism, associations, the municipal council and the local population concerning the education at these schools, it aims to shed new light on the complicated relationship between language and national identity
   Population of Ivančice consisted of Czechs, Germans and Jews. Although German was used partially as the language of instruction in elementary schools of Ivančice, in 1884, the Czech language was formally adopted as the language of instruction in higher elementary schools, and pupils lost the opportunity to receive elementary education in German. It was for this reason that German residents of the city constructed a private elementary school. However, it turned out that there were more than a few Czech pupils among those who attended this private German school, and this was criticized by Bishop Bauer of Brno and Czech newspapers as an attempt to “rob the Czechs of their national identity”. The Germans, on their part, responded to this criticism by pointing out that the pupils were admitted in accordance with the will of their parents and that attendance was not compulsory. In fact, the inquiries carried out in 1894 among the local population reveal that there were many who did not understand the meaning of “národnost” (ethnic group). When asked about their ethnic affiliation, some stated that “I am a German, because I want my child to learn the German language”. It seems that “nationalism” meant very little for the people of linguistically border regions.
   As for the elite Czechs in Ivančice, although they were often involved in identity politics, still they maintained their relationships with Germans and Jews in their everyday life. Moreover, they were eager to have their children learn the language of their neighbors in elementary schools, and in their daily lives they adapted to the realities of life in a linguistically diverse region.

No.873 November 2010

SPECIAL ISSUE: Language as Politics (Ⅰ) :
  Deciphering the Interplay between Language Communities, State, and “Empire”

Preface…………………………………………………………………the Editorial Board(1)
Articles
Castaways and Language: Chinese and Japanese in the Context
  of Ryūkyū-China Relations……………………………………………WATANABE Miki(2)
Vilnius University and Folk Languages: Culture and Society
  in the Former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the Russian Empire……KAJI Sayaka(14)
Being “Progressive” in the Debate over Language:
  An Analysis of the Debate Concerning the “Hindustani Language”……FUJII Takeshi(25)
Between the Orthodox Commonwealth and the Greek Nation State:
  The Language and Identity of the Vlachs in Ottoman Macedonia……MURATA Nanako(37)
Women’s Education and Literacy: The Concept of the
   “Modern Iranian Woman” and Nationalism………………YAMAZAKI Kazumi(49)
Arabness and the Arabic Language in East Africa under Colonial Rule:
  The Struggle of the Elite Omani Immigrants over Language and Identity
  in Zanzibar………………………………………………………ŌKAWA Mayuko(61)

Announcements: An Appeal Opposing the Exclusion of Korean Schools
  from the Policy of Free High School Education………the General Assembly(74)
<Summary>
Castaways and Language: Chinese and Japanese
   in the Context of Ryukyu-China Relations
WATANABE Miki

   This article examines the various aspects of the political significance of two languages, Chinese and Japanese, in the context of Ryukyu-China relations. The period under investigation is from the end of the 16th century, a period in which the Ryukyu Islands became increasingly caught up between China and Japan. Special attention is paid the case of “castaways” - persons who, as a result of shipwreck, unintentionally crossed geographical borders established by the state.
   The Japanese language, which was not a means of mutual communication for either the Ryukyus or China, served essentially as a political barometer symbolizing Japan or the state of Ryukyu-Japan relations. From the end of the 16th century to the early 17th century, a period characterized by deteriorating relations between Japan and Ming China, the Japanese tongue functioned as a yardstick for the Ming Dynasty in accordance with which it decided whether the castaways were Japanese (enemies) or Ryukyuans (allies).
   After the coming of the Qing dynasty and the establishment of its dominance toward the end of the 17th century, the Japanese language gained a new political connotation as a symbol of Ryukyu-Japan ties. This was in connection with the Ryukyu national policy of concealing Ryukyu-Japan relations from the eyes of the Qing rulers, a policy initiated around that time with the menace of the Qing dynasty in the background. While this political connotation held little if any significance for Qing China, it remained in force in the Ryukyus (and the regions in the vicinity of Japan) throughout the 18th century. It was strengthened by the experiences of castaways (a fate that could be suffered, theoretically speaking, by anyone), and continued to affect the behavior and the way of life of the inhabitants.
   On the hand, Chinese was a useful means of mutual understanding between the Ryukyus and the Chinese (it was the diplomatic language between them). For that reason, it was also an avenue through which individual Ryukyuans could advance their careers and get ahead in life. On the main island of Okinawa, while the Royal Government had its own system for recruiting and training persons fluent in Chinese, castaways played a supplementary role for this system, supplying capable human resources. On the two islands in the Okinawa chain most distant from the main island, where no official interpreters were stationed, castaways came to possess even greater significance. In other words, by mobilizing persons who had learned Chinese either incidentally or spontaneously as a result of becoming castaways, a sort of “subsystem” came to function on these outlying isles, in correspondence with the primary system for official handling of Chinese on the main island.
   These political connotations of Japanese and Chinese and the power balance between the two languages underwent a major change in the latter half of the 19th century as a result of the Ryukyu Shobun (the Disposition of the Ryukyus) by the Meiji Japanese Government. With this, the Chinese language lost its political prestige, while Japanese was strategically spread as a “common language”, to a degree that its use was no longer possible to “conceal”. This was the end of the traditional “international order” of East Asia that constituted the major background of the political significance of these two languages during the age of the Ryukyu Kingdom.


Vilnius University and Folk Languages:
   Culture and Society in the Former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
   in the Russian Empire
KAJI Sayaka

   Vilnius University (a Russian Imperial University from 1803 to 1832) was a center of Polish high culture and of the educational system inherited from the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In the Russian part of the former Commonwealth, languages of the common people were mainly Ruthenian (ruski, the prototype of Belarusian and Ukrainian) and Lithuanian. This article examines how the people who were responsible for the school education and educational administration in the Vilnius Educational Region, such as professors and inspectors, treated the folk languages.
   Generally speaking, although there was a growing interest among the intellectuals in folk languages from a cultural point of view, the prevailing educational principle was that education in primary schools (which were mainly meant for the peasantry, burghers and poorer nobles) should be done in Polish and pupils should be taught to read and write in Polish. In the Ruthenian-speaking areas, there is no mention of Ruthenian in the reports prepared by school inspectors, although Ruthenian was taught, in reality, in some primary schools, as this article shows. On the contrary, in Lithuanian-speaking areas, the universityʼs functionaries not only tolerated, but on occasion even instructed that Lithuanian should be taught in primary schools. However, attempts to teach Lithuanian in higher schools or in university failed, where Polish dominated.
   Although folk languages functioned as writing languages as well, usually the practice remained only in marginal spheres such as teaching at non-elitist primary schools and the production of handwritten manuscripts. The folk languages continued to bear a social stigma as languages unsuitable for the public sphere.


Being “Progressive” in the Debate over Language:
   An Analysis of the Debate Concerning the “Hindustani Language”
FUJII Takeshi

   The “Progressive Writersʼ Movement” was a movement which was active in both Britain and India around the time of realization of Indian independence in August of 1947. Conceived as a part of the international united front against Fascism, it rallied writers who wrote in English, Urdu, Hindi and Bengali.
   This article analyses the attitude of this movement towards the multi-lingual situation in India and its argument concerning the language and the script to be used in the future independent state. It further examines the impact of this argument on the subsequent course of events.
   It will be shown that, while the language problem in India was a matter specific to that country, those who were involved in this movement were linked, in a broader context, to the cultural, ideological, and political developments which were unfolding in contemporary Europe and the Soviet Union.


Between the Orthodox Commonwealth and the Greek Nation State:
   The Language and Identity of the Vlachs in Ottoman Macedonia
MURATA Nanako

   This article examines the nature of the self-identity of the Vlachs in Macedonia under Ottoman rule in the beginning of the twentieth century. Although their mother tongue was linguistically akin to the Romanian language, the Vlachs claimed to be “Greeks”.
   Examining the documents in which they declared their “Greekness”, we find that the Vlachs identified themselves as Greeks in the sense that they were Orthodox Christian subjects in the Ottoman Empire. The Vlachsʼ notion of being “Greek” was based, not on the discourse of nationalism advocated by the Greek nation state, but rather on the discourse of all-inclusive universality, which the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Istanbul had traditionally guaranteed to its flock, irrespective of ethnic and language differences.


Womenʼs Education and Literacy:
   The Concept of the “Modern Iranian Woman” and Nationalism
YAMAZAKI Kazumi

   In 1910s and 1920s, Iranian female activists were actively engaged in the rising patriotic movement. These female activists called for literacy education for women, based on nationalist arguments. These activities can be regarded as a form of “popular nationalism” (nationalism from below) connected with grassroots aspirations.
   On the other hand, following the rise to power of Reza Shah, especially since the 1930s, a form of “official nationalism” (nationalism from above) appeared in the sphere of education policy. This was a type of nationalism promoted by a powerful ruler for the sake of national integration and centralization. In this process, as is clear from the analysis of various laws and documents (in which there are repeated references to the “nation” and the “state”), a special emphasis was placed on the importance of literacy education in Persian as the “national language”,
   The curriculum prepared by the state excluded foreign languages and Islam, choosing instead to put an emphasis on the Persian language, physical education, Iranian history and Iranian geography. The program for boys included so-called “civic education” intended to foster patriotic sentiments necessary for national integration. In contrast, women were not included in the concept of “citizens” envisioned by the state. The aim of education for girls was to bring up a woman “capable of fulfilling the role of mother, wife and homemaker”.
   Ironically though, what served as a prototype for this argument concerning the role of woman was the concept of the “modern Iranian woman”, which had been strategically constructed by the female political activists of the 1910s and the 1920s in their struggle for the promotion of literacy education for women.


Arabness and the Arabic Language in East Africa under Colonial Rule:
   The Struggle of the Elite Omani Immigrants over Language and Identity
   in Zanzibar
OKAWA Mayuko

   This article examines the nature of “Arabness” advocated by the Omani-Arab immigrants in Zanzibar, a group of islands off the coast of East Africa. These people, who arrived Zanzibar originally as a result of the massive colonial immigration movement to Zanzibar which was promoted by Oman from the mid-19th century, later found themselves under another colonial rule, i.e. the effectual British rule, which started in 1890.
   As a reaction to the anti-Arabic and anti-Islam educational policy pursued under British rule, the Omani immigrants in Zanzibar, especially the elite class, launched an anti-colonial movement, which eventually developed into a form of Zanzibar nationalism that involved the native inhabitants as well.
   This article analyzes the discourse of these elite Omani immigrants, mainly relying on local newspapers. It becomes clear that their “Arab” consciousness, which came into being essentially as a reaction to British rule, was discussed, crystallized , and constituted, as a result of the process of differentiation from the African Continent proper on the one hand, and in the context of their relationship with the broader Arab-Islamic world, on the other hand. Even after their native tongue changed to Swahili, Arabic remained the foundation of the Arabness they advocated. Their “Arab” consciousness, their understanding of Islam and its ethics were all based on this linguistic foundation.

No.872 October 2010

Extra Edition

The Reports presented at the 2010 Annual Meeting of the Society
  Facing Our Colonial Past

Plenary Session
Facing Our Colonial Past……NAGAHARA Yokō, FUJINAGA Takeshi, OGAWARA Hiroyuki(2)

Ancient History Section
Interaction and the Creation of Order in the Ancient World
                 ……………HIROSE Norio, MINOSHIMA Hideki(30)

Medieval History Section
The Structure of the Medieval Japanese Aristocracy and Its Transformation
                 ……………NOGUCHI Hanayo, ENDŌ Tamaki(51)

Early Modern History Section
Political Rule and Social Transformation in Early Modern Japan:
  Focusing on the Mechanism of Controlling the Subjects
                 ……………OGAWA Kazunari, IKEDA Yuta(74)

Modern History Section
Living in a Capitalist Society: From the Perspective of Labor History
                 ……………MATSUDA Hiroyuki, ENOKI Kazue(95)

Contemporary History Section
The Struggle over the Transmission and the Creation of Historical Memory:
  An Aspect of the Post Cold War Political Process
                 ……………YAMAMOTO Tadahito, IIJIMA Midori(122)

Joint Section
Regions, State, and Ideology in Pre-Modern Europe
  ……SHIMADA Makoto, ŌTSUKI Yasuhiro, WATANABE Setsuo, KAWAHARA Atsushi(149)


No.871 October 2010

Articles
A Study on the Concept of “Rang (conceding)” in the Pre-Qin Period……KOTERA Atsushi(1)
The Situation of the Mudejars in the County of Barcelona
  in the 12th Century………………………………………………ABE Toshihiro(17)

Views and Reviews
Community Regularization in the Late Medieval Period and
  the Formation of the Early Modern State System:
  An Observation Inspired by HATTORI Yoshihisa’s Work
  on the Agrarian Uprisings in Alpine Europe…………………INABA Tsuguharu(35)
How Should We Study the Formation Process of “World History”
  as a High School Subject?:
  A Response to the Comments by KISAKI Hiromi……………IBARAKI Satoshi(38)

Book Reviews (Unless otherwise noted, the works are written in Japanese)
ARITOMI Jun-ya, The State and Political Ideology in Ancient Japan……MATSUKI Toshiaki(45)
SATŌ Nagato, Japanese Ancient Kingship :
  Its Structure and Development………………………………SEKINE Atsushi(47)
HATTORI Yoshihisa, Agrarian Uprisings in Medieval
  and Early Modern Alpine Europe………………………YAMAMOTO Fumihiko(50)
YASUMOTO Minoru, The Rise of a Victorian Ironopolis………IWAMA Toshihiko(53)
KITA Miyuki, The Half-Opened “Golden Door”:
  American Jews and Higher Education…………………………SATŌ Tadayuki(57)

Exhibition Reviews
The Birth of the “ Sumida River Culture”……………………KAMETANI Hiroaki(60)

Recent Publications………………………………………………………………(62)
<Summary>
A Study on the Concept of “Rang (conceding)” in the Pre-Qin period:
   How the Ideal Model concerning the Way of Succession
   to the Throne was Conceptualized
KOTERA Atsushi

   This article examines the concept of “rang (conceding)”, a term which appears in texts such as the Three Commentaries to the Chunqiu and is generally believed to be related to the Traditional Lineage Law in the Chou Period, in the context of the ideology of the succession to the throne in the pre-Qin period.
We find that, in texts such as Three Commentaries, the concept of “rang” is related to the other concepts which reflect the ideology of the mid-Warring State Period (Zhanguo Period ) such as “xian (wisdom)”, “de (virtue)”, and “ren (benevolence)”, and is treated affirmatively essentially, although it is conceived as something not in concert with the concept of “shun (observance of order)”.
   Conceding itself is a common behavior which is generally observed in Chinese society throughout history. The term “rang”, however, rarely appears in the written texts which date back to the earlier period or in the excavated materials. It is after the mid-Warring States Period that its usage increases. This is because, in the case of the succession before the late Chunqiu Period, which was based on the principle of “xing (lineage)”, the concept of “rang” had no role to play. However reflecting the political and social upheavals in the late Chunqiu Period and early Warring States Period, a new type of succession came to be expressed by the term “rang”, a term which appears in text side by side with the other terms typical of the Warring States Period such as “xian (wisdom)”. The concept of “rang” as the ideal model of succession, in its turn, influenced the actual process of succession. Thus, we might argue that the institution of the “Traditional Lineage Law of the Chou Perio” was an ideal model which was conceptualized and constructed only in the middle of the Warring States Period.


The Situation of the Mudejars in the County of Barcelona
   in the 12th Century: The Process of Social Integration
   of a Non-Christian Group
ABE Toshihiro

   This article is an attempt to analyze the situation of the Mudejars (the Muslims “who were allowed to remain”) in the County Barcelona under the Crown of Aragon, based on the contemporary sources, and to examine how they were treated in Christian society and how they managed to achieve their place in society.
   Obviously, immediately after the conquest, when society was still unstable, the situation of the Mudejars deteriorated. The Christians, contrary to the stipulations of the capitulation treaty, imposed the tithes on the Mudejars and confiscated the properties of the Mudejars, as far as those of the Mesquita (Mosque).
   When society became relatively stable after several decades, however, the Mudejars came to be recognized as a useful component of Christian society. Since the attempts on the part of Christian colonists to build their settlements were facing difficulties, different social forces made use of the Mudejars as labor on the cultivated lands and protected their settlements, relying on the peaceful relationship which had continued for several decades between the Muslims and Christians.

No.870 September 2010

Articles
Social Relationships and the Consciousness of Face (Mian-zi)
  in Rural Society in North China in the Modern Period……MISHINA Hidenori(1)

Views and Reviews
On YAMAMOTO Hirofumi, The First-rate Documentary Sources
  by the Hegemons (“Tenkabito”) in Japan………………………MIKI Seiichirō(20)

Current Topics
50 Years after the New Japan-U.S. Security Treaty………………SASAKI Ryūji(26)

Book Reviews (Unless otherwise noted, the works are written in Japanese)
NAKAMURA Tomokazu, A Study on the “Uji-Kabane” System
  in Ancient Japan………………………………………………HASEBE Masashi(37)
ICHIKAWA Rie, “Kyōshiki” and “Kyōko”(the Officials of the Royal Capital and Its Residents)
  in Ancient Japan…………………………………………………OJIMA Shūhei(40)
ENDŌ Motoo, Japanese Medieval Kingship and Court Rituals………IHARA Kesao(43)
IWAMA Toshihiko, The World of the British Middle Class……HASEGAWA Takahiko(47)

Exhibition Reviews
Nichiren in Kamakura………………………………………………SATŌ Hironobu(50)

The Society’s Report
Report on the 2010 General Assembly……………………………The Committee(53)

Recent Publications………………………………………………………………(62)
<Summary>
Social Relationships and the Consciousness of Face (Mian-zi)
   in Rural Society in North China in the ModernPeriod:
MISHINA Hidenori

   According to court documents, people under the Qing dynasty often resorted to litigation to settle issues with their neighbors when the title deeds to land were not settled. This article aims to examine the social relationships in rural society in North China by analyzing the Survey of Customary Practices in Rural China (Chūgoku Nōson Kankō Chōsa).
   The Survey shows that true, even in the 20th century, title deeds were not settled, and disagreements occurred between neighbors. This, however, reflects just one aspect of rural society in North China. In the process of land sale, for example, a seller usually involved his friend as a middleman, who, in his turn, was expected to find a buyer from among his acquaintances. Usually no trouble occurred, because both parties had responsibilities to the middleman. If one party reneged or cheated the other, it meant he made the middleman lose face (Mian-zi), and lost his own face as well. To lose Mian-zi meant to lose credit, and led to ostracism from the community. Therefore each party tried to respect the other's Mian-zi. In the case of quarrels, also, villagers usually accepted mediation by people such as village chiefs, out of consideration for the mediator's Mian-zi. Thus, every inhabitant usually respected the other's Mian-zi, and social order was maintained.
   However, the Mian-zi principle was applied only among those on familiar terms, and each one decided whose Mian-zi was to be respected, in accordance with his own interpretation and strategy. Therefore, the principle of Mian-zi was not applied to all the villagers. Furthermore, the poorer a person was, the more likely it became that he would ignore the Mian-zi principle, for he could not afford to pay attention to the Mian-zi of others. Thus, the state of the Mian-zi consciousness in a given community reflected the nature of the community. In a wealthy village, conflicts were usually solved by the village chief. In a poor village, the village chief's ability to mediate was limited, and conflicts were harder to resolve. It was mainly in the latter case that villagers resorted to suing each other frequently.


No.869 August 2010

Articles
Political Order and Jurisdictional Conflict in 18th Century France:
  Legal Procedures in the Aftermath of the Revolt of the Armed Masks
  in Languedoc, 1783…………………………………………NAKAMATSU Yūko(1)
The Imperial Constitution of Japan and the “Right to Life”:
  Focusing on the Arguments among Jurists from the 1920s
  to the 1940s…………………………………………………HAYASHI Naoyuki(18)

Trends
French Museums in the 21st Century: The Construction of Self-Image and
  the Colonial Past in French Cultural Policy………………MATSUNUMA Miho(36)

Book Reviews (Unless otherwise noted, the works are written in Japanese)
SHIMIZU Ryō, A Study on the Political History of the Vassal System (“Gokenin-sei”)
  under the Kamakura Bakufu……………………………SHIMOMURA Shūtarō(44)
OGINO Miho, The Road to “Family Planning”:
  The Politics of Reproduction in Modern Japan……………SAWAYAMA Mikako(47)
SHIDA Kyoko, Expansion and Integration in Imperial Russia……NISHIYAMA Katsunori(51)
TAKEI Ayaka, The Jewish Property Issues……………………………OBARA Jun(54)

Exhibition Reviews
Myth: The Imaginative Power of Japanese Art……………………YAMASAKI Akiko(58)

Recent Publications…………………………………………………………………(62)


<Summary>
Political Order and Jurisdictional Conflict in Eighteenth-Century France:
   Legal Procedures in the Aftermath of the Revolt of
   the Armed Masks in Languedoc, 1783
NAKAMATSU Yuko

   This article deals with the jurisdictional conflict which took place after the Revolt of the Armed Masks in Languedoc in 1783, analyses how it was solved, and examines, through this analysis, the relationship between the monarchy and various powers in eighteenth century France. It analyses mainly the court records concerning the revolt, and the various reports, petitions and orders exchanged between the concerned powers.
   After the revolt, the sénéchal courts at Nîmes and Villeneuve-de-Berg on the one hand, and the lieutenants of the prévôt général of maréchaussées (royal military) resident at Le Puy and Montpellier on the other hand, respectively initiated legal procedures concerning this affair. This jurisdictional conflict had its roots, not only in the duplication of jurisdiction, a phenomenon which was characteristic of the institutions of the Ancien Régime, but also in the dispute that had long existed over the establishment of the sénéchal court of Villeneuve-de-Berg. The sénéchal courts and lieutenants respectively claimed to hold the prerogative of jurisdiction, asserting the efficiency and the validity of their legal procedures, and negotiated with each other and with the commander-in-chief or the intendant who represented the king in the province. Under these circumstances, the Council of King eventually issued a decision concerning the jurisdiction, which was, in effect, a de facto recognition of the results of negotiations among the concerned powers in Languedoc.
   Throughout the process of the jurisdictional conflict, the negotiations and consensus reached thereby among the various powers in Languedoc were the deciding factor, and these negotiations led to the resolution of conflict. However, the monarchy also provided a frame of reference in the form of regulations and the decisions of the Council of King. The king functioned as an intermediary that adjusted, through the commander-in-chief or the intendant, the differing interests of local powers. Thus, the monarchy and local powers worked complementary to each other, in the making of local order.


The Imperial Constitution of Japan and the “Right to Life”:
   Focusing on the Arguments among Jurists from the 1920s to the 1940s
HAYASHI Naoyuki

   This article aims at revealing the meaning of the “right to life” as interpreted in pre-war Japan and its relationship to the basic philosophy of the Imperial Constitution of Japan (Meiji Constitution). This is done, in a broader context, by examining the nature of fundamental rights in pre-war Japan, the restrictions imposed upon them by governmental power, and the process of their transformation. The main object of analysis is the debate which took place among jurists between the 1920s to the 1940s.
   In pre-war Japan, the concept of “right to life” was deduced from the argument concerning the necessity of the “cultivation of character”, which was conceived as the basis of social progress. Makino Eiichi, who tried to establish the concept of the “right to life” in the fields of criminal and civil laws based on general principles such as “good faith” and “public welfare,” was the main advocate of this argument. More or less the same view on society and human beings was, however, shared by many legal practitioners at that time, who were involved in civil education, social service, and police administration. This view was supported by the argument that the Meiji Constitution was based on the tradition of Shiras-type governance, a time-honored system of cooperation between the emperor and the subject for the sake of public welfare, and therefore was the codification of a sort of “natural law.” It was the duty of the nation, it was argued, to conform to this natural law forever.
   The wave of social legislation which was witnessed from the end of the 1920s and the expansion of administrative powers as embodied in the revision of the National Security Act, Surveillance over the Ideological Crimes Law, and the General Mobilization Law, represented a process in which the State was conceived of as an actor which guarantees the national minimum for the fulfillment of the “right to life.” At the same time, it was a process, in which all individuals, for their part, were expected to contribute to society through the “cultivation” of their own character.
   In modern Japan, the “right to life” was conceived of as a way to realize the “cultivation of character” which was the basis of just society, and the raison dʼêtre of governmental power was to guarantee and promote such a “right to life.”

No.868 July 2010

SPECIAL ISSUE:
  The “Annexation of Korea” and Japanese Historiography: 100 Years After (Ⅱ)
Articles
Studies on Modern Korean History in Post-War Japan…………CHO Kyeungdal(1)
Between Fascism and Third-Worldism:
  Nationalism in the Republic of Korea during the Formative Period of
  the Cold War………………………………………………………FUJII Takeshi(13)
On Korean Society under Japanese Colonial Rule:
  New Developments in the Republic of Korea in Historiography……ANZAKO Yuka(25)

Current Topics
The Earthquake in Haiti and “Colonial Responsibilities”……………HAMA Tadao(36)

Book Reviews (Unless otherwise noted, the works are written in Japanese)
INOUE Hiroshi, State and “Ichinomiyasei” (the System of “Provincial Chief Shrine”)
  in Medieval Japan……………………………………………KARIKOME Hitoshi(43)
INABA Tsuguharu, A Study on the Emergence of
  Early Modern Society in Japan………………………………KUBO Ken-ichirō(46)
NAGATA Yuzo, Local Notables in Premodern Turkey……………KISHIMOTO Mio(49)
JINNO Takashi, The Spirit of the Twelfth-Century Renaissance……SHIBATA Heizaburo(52)

Exhibition Reviews
Tanba Manganese Memorial Museum……………………………SHIN Changwoo(56)

Recent Publications………………………………………………………………(60)

<Summary>
Studies on Modern Korean History in Post-War Japan
CHO Kyeungdal

   Before World War II, Japanese historians tended to portray Korea as a stagnant society, which relied essentially on outside factors for it own development. The main interest of the post-war Japanese historians working on Korea was how to overcome this stereotype, and historians like KAJIMURA Hideki stressed Korea's potentiality for the development from within.
   In retrospect, however, we find that this approach was not free from the framework of “national history”. It was also based on the belief in “a universal course of development” applicable to all human societies, the ultimate goal of which is “modernization”. Consequently, this approach later became less convincing, as the debate on the characteristics of Asian societies developed and the notion of “a modern world system” gained currency.
   Under these circumstances, MIYAJIMA Hiroshi presented a new image of Korean society, based on his understanding of world history as a process of multiple (not singular) developments. He portrayed Korea as member of the “East Asian peasant societies” which had their own momentum for development from within. The tendency to portray Korea as a stagnant society was thus finally overcome.
   Recently, we have witnessed the emergence of various new trends in the study of Korean history, such as the theories of “colonial modernization” and “colonial modernity”. It is noteworthy that the influence of these theories increases, as the memories of the actual colonial experiences fade away.
A new type pf historiography based on the viewpoint of people is dearly needed.


Between Fascism and Third-Worldism:
   Nationalism in the Republic of Korea during the Formative Period of the Cold War
FUJII Takeshi

   This article analyses the nature of nationalism which emerged in the Republic of Korea in the formative years of the Cold War.
   The Republic of Korea (South Korea) came into being as a result of the division of the Korean Peninsula. A common image concerning this state is that it has been a pro-USA, anti-communist state, an image which owes a lot to the personality of the President RHEE Syngman. Actually, however, the type of nationalism which was dominant in the Republic of Korea in its early years was that of “national socialism”, which was akin to fascism. This type of nationalism was embodied by LEE Bum-Suk, the country's first Prime Minister and Minister of Defense, who, in his youth, had embraced fascism through CHIANG Kai-shek.
   At the same time, a form of “Titoism” was also introduced and exploited in the Republic of Korea, in order to mobilize and convert the leftist elements. Under the slogan of the “one nation principle, which was adopted as a principle of national policy, nationalism in the Republic of Korea embraced a criticism of capitalism, and further developed tendencies towards “Third-Worldism” and a criticism of imperialism.
   This type of Korean nationalism, caught between fascism and the Third-Worldism faded away, as a result of US intervention and developments after the conclusion of the truce in the Korean War.


On Korean Society under Japanese Colonial Rule:
   New Developments in the Republic of Korea in Historiography
ANZAKO Yuka

   This article analyses new developments in the Republic of Korea in historiography concerning the state of Korean society under Japanese colonial rule (1910-1945).
   In Korea, the study of modern history only started after the “Liberation” of August 1945. Various issues were taken up as the subjects of research, in response to the needs of society, and in accordance with the changing circumstances.
   It was in the 1980's that studies in the colonial period developed, both in quantity and in quality. The 1990's were characterized by a diversification in the interest and attitudes of researchers. At the same time, interest in the nature of modernization / modernity was awakened, as a result of the debate concerning “colonial modernization”. Researchers such as, JUNG Tae-hern, CHUNG Youn-Tae and PANG Kie-chung, in particular, pointed out that “modern” experiences in Korea were essentially “colonial” experiences and tried to reveal the concrete contents of these experiences, posing the question of what is “modernity” in such a context.
   This kind of approach might be stimulating for Japanese researchers as well working on the modern history of Korea, in trying to overcome the legacy of Japanese colonialism.

No.867 June 2010

SPECIAL ISSUE:
  The “Annexation of Korea” and Japanese Historiography: 100 Years After (Ⅰ)
Preface…………………………………………………………the Editorial Board(1)
Articles
The Study of Modern Japanese History and the Question of Korea……NAKATSUKA Akira(3)
The ”Annexation of Korea” in the Context of World History:
  Re-Examining International Relations around the Year 1910……MINAMIZUKA Shingo(14)
What Were Korean Peasants Eating Under Japanese Colonial Rule?:
  The Case of Kangwhongdo Province…………………………HIGUCHI Yūichi(25)
The Concept of “Colonial Modernity” Re-Examined
  from the Perspectives of Gender and Education……………………KIM Puja(34)
A Comparative Study of Japanese and American Colonialisms:
  An Attempt……………………………………………………OKAMOTO Kōichi(46)
Towards the Lieux de Memoire of East Asia:
  A Perspective from Korean History……………………………ITAGAKI Ryūta(57)

Book Reviews (Unless otherwise noted, the works are written in Japanese)
MATSUMURA Takao, YANAGISAWA Asobu & EDA Kenji(eds.),
  Prelude to Occupation?: The Investigators of the Japanese
  Manchuria Railway Company, 1906-1945………………………OKABE Makio(68)
CHO Kyoeungdal, The Intellectuals and Masses
  in Korea Under Japanese Colonial Rule………………………KOTANI Hiroyuki(71)

Recent Publications……………………………………………………(78)
<Summary>
The Study of Modern Japanese History and the Question of Korea
NAKATSUKA Akira

   Since the 1960s, I have been engaged in the study of modern Japanese history, focusing on the Sino-Japanese War. Considering the fact that Korea was the target of Japanese invasion since the early Meiji period (Japan progressively conquered Korea through the Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese Wars, colonized it totally in 1910 and continued to rule it until 1945) and hence modern Japanese history and the question of Korea are inextricably intertwined, I have always kept the Korean factor in my mind in the course of my research.
   This article examines the development of the study on the history of Japanese invasion of Korea. In particular, special attention is paid to the significance of the Modern Japanese Political History Materials Room of the National Diet Library (Kokkai Toshokan Kensei Shiryoushitsu), where numerous primary historical materials are preserved, and the problem of the deliberate falsification of wartime historical records by the Japanese military authorities.
   This year marks the centennial anniversary of the annexation of Korea. It is our duty to critically re-examine the history of our colonial past. It is regrettable that we observe a tendency in Japanese society (especially on the part of mass media) to justify Japanese colonialism and invasion. At the same time, however, we have been witnessing, for the past few years, the publication of remarkable works concerning the history of the Japanese invasion of Korea and Korean-Japanese relations.


The “Annexation of Korea” in the Context of World History:
   Re-Examining the International Relations around the Year 1910
MINAMIZUKA Shingo

   This article is an attempt to locate the annexation of Korea within the context of world history, by analyzing the international relations around the year 1910. In the course of analysis, special attention is paid to the following two points. Firstly, the article focuses on the particular condition of international relations in an imperialistic environment, in which different areas of the world are organically intertwined, and the relief of tensions in a given area leads to the intensification of tension in another area. Secondly, it focuses on the impact of popular movements in different areas upon the international relations.
   Japan acquired the right to control Korea, as a result of the Treaty of Portsmouth (September 1905) which was concluded following the Russo-Japanese War, although the specific nature of that “control” was not established in that stage.
   After the Russo-Japanese War, the focus of conflicts between the Great Powers shifted from the Far East to the Mediterranean and the Middle East. In the meantime, however, powers were “quietly” striving for the acquisition and consolidation of their interests in the Far East. Competing with Russia, Japan strengthened its domination over Korea in this period. Although the specific form of that control remained in flux, it ultimately ended in “annexation.” The international situation prevailing at that time played a role in that development.
   In the Balkan Peninsula, the Austro-Hungarian Empire had annexed the two provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908, the first “annexation” of a territory of a nation by a power in an unmilitary time, which led to the final confrontation between the Triple Entente with the Triple Alliance. While the attention of the powers was focused on this annexation in the Balkans, Japan was preparing for its own annexation of Korea and eventually succeeded in this despite the resistance of popular movements.
   The international relations around 1910 are generally regarded as a prelude to World War I. The annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the subsequent developments in the area (in which political movements with a genuinely popular basis never developed) paved the way to the outbreak of war. Seen from the viewpoint of the peoples of Asia, World War I represented the climax of the consistent process of expansion and intensification of Japanese control over the Asian peoples which had begun with the annexation of Korea. World War I for Asia was nothing but an expansion of Japanese colonial rule that eroded even the value system of the local population. In the case of Asia, however, popular movements against colonialism steadily developed.


What Were Korean Peasants Eating Under Japanese Colonial Rule?:
   The Case of Kangwhongdo Province
HIGUCHI Yuichi

   This article is an attempt to examine the life of Korean peasants under Japanese colonial rule, focusing on the question of food. Needless to say, peasants constituted the majority of the population at this period. This article deals with the case of Kangwhongdo Province in central Korea, where the average lifespan was the shortest.
   Although available sources on this subject are rather limited, it has become clear, in the course of research, that the dietary situation of Korean peasants under Japanese rule was extremely severe. Most of the peasants lived on a diet consisting only of corn, potatoes, and kimchi pickles, and these were hardly enough to maintain their lives. Infant mortality was high. The effect of the Japanese colonial rule was also evident in fact that average height of the children was shorter than expected.
   As a result of the lack of food, numerous peasants (nearly one-fifth of the total population of Korea) were compelled to desert their villages and subsequently emigrated to Japan, Manchuria and China. Although the people of Korea remember vividly the serious effects of Japanese colonial rule on their life, the majority of Japanese people are not aware of this fact. The history of Japanese colonialism and the modern history of Japan as a whole should be re-examined from the viewpoint of the Korean people, who lived under Japanese rule.


The Concept of “Colonial Modernity” Re-Examined
   from the Perspectives of Gender and Education
KIM Puja

   Recently, in the field of the study of Japanese colonialism in Asia, the concept of “colonial modernity” has gained popularity. Some researchers have tried to analyze the question of elementary education for the Koreans under Japanese rule by applying the concept of “colonial modernity.” This article is an attempt to intervene in this debate, from the perspective of gender history and the history of education.
   Through the analysis of the nature of elementary education for the Koreans, it has become clear that this education (which was “modern” just like the Japanese elementary education at that time) was permeated with colonialism, both in its contents (agriculture education, education in civics as an “imperial subject”, etc.) and in its system. During the period of the first and second Korea education laws (1911-1937), the school system, which was based on male dominant gender ideology, essentially brought up colonial farmers, who were faithful to the Japanese Empire and understood the language of the rulers (Japanese). During the period of the third education law (1937-1945), the training of colonial soldiers, who would sacrifice their lives for the sake of the Japanese Emperor, became the most important goal of school education. Therefore we can argue that school discipline, which occupies a quite significant place in the argument concerning the concept of “colonial modernity,” was actually aimed at creating a “colonial subject (body)” rather than a “modern subject.”


A Comparative Study of Japanese and American Colonialisms:
   An Attempt
OKAMOTO Koichi

   The aim of this article is to analyze the nature of colonialisms around 1900 in a comparative framework. Both Japan and the United States emerged as colonial powers in Asia in this period, as a result of their territorial acquisition through wars (Japan acquired Taiwan in 1895 and the USA acquired the Philippines in 1898.) When colonizing these territories, both countries were faced with the resistance of native peoples, who, in the course of their struggle for independence, relied upon a series of “civilized” political concepts derived from the modern West. In this sense, “civilization” was no longer a monopoly of the colonizers, who often tried to justify their rule making use of this concept.
   This article further analyses the institutional and legal commonalities of colonialisms. It examines first, how, in the course of transition from military rule to civilian rule, the military authorities intervened and tried to influence the future of colonial policies. Secondly it reveals how, in both countries, a new logic for the justification of colonialism emerged, through the constitutional controversies over the legality of colonization of new territories.
   Such commonalities are an indication that colonialisms around 1900 should be discussed in the context of a global historical setting. In order to grasp the nature of colonialisms, more attention should be paid to the interaction between different colonial powers. The concept of “complicity” of colonial powers is crucial when dealing with the question of “colonial responsibilities”.


Toward the Lieux de Memoire of East Asia:
   A Perspective from Korean History
ITAGAKI Ryuta

   “Lieux de memoire,” which can be translated as “places of memory,” is the name of a project which was undertaken by a French historian, Pierre NORA, from the 1980s to the 1990s. Starting from a criticism of the quasi-nationalist framework of “lieux de memoire,” this article attempts to propose an alternative version of “lieux de memoire” appropriate to the case of East Asia.
   NORA’s project was originally aimed at demonstrating how the collective memory of France had been historically constructed. By uncritically selecting “topics” about which the Majority within French citizens had shared knowledge and feelings, however, Nora's project eventually ended up in neglecting the colonial factor and erasing it from the French collective memory. As a result, ironically, the project itself became another monument of the French national memory.
   In contrast, the proposed project of “lieux de memoire” of East Asia starts from a transnational framework, in which the model of shared memory does not apply. Rather, it historicizes the constellation of memory, including uneven distributions of the remembered and the unknown or forgotten, produced by asymmetric power relations. A quest for transnational “lieux de memoire” is deeply rooted in historical controversies in East Asia that continue to the present day. These conflicts over historical issues take place not only in the fields of education and academic research, but also within mass culture, expressed through media such as cartoons, internet sites, and TV dramas. Unfortunately, revisionist historical knowledge within Japan which legitimizes Japanese colonization is widely circulated through such mass media. Here, “Lieux de memoire” of East Asia has a role to play, since it can intervene, examine, and analyze the field of such conflicts of memory itself that expands beyond national borders.

No.866 May 2010

Articles
Diplomatic Sovereignty of Korea under the Protectorate System……LEE Joosun(1)
The British Tariff Reform Movement and Canadian Manufacturing Interests
                            ……………FUKUSHI Jun(19)

Book Reviews (Unless otherwise noted, the works are written in Japanese)
NISHINARITA Yutaka, The History of Retirement Allowance over 140 Years
                            ……………SASAKI Kei(37)
Kicengge, The Great Qing Empire and its Historical Background……OKA Hiroki(40)
MAEDA Nobuko, Private Schools in France in the 19th Century
                            ……………TAKAMURA Gakuto(43)

Exhibition Reviews
Lost Korean Cultural Assets………………………………YOSHIZAWA Fumitoshi(46)

Preparatory Papers for the General Meeting of the Society in May 2010……(49)

Recent Publications………………………………………………………………(59)

Society’s Announcements:
The 2010 General Meeting of the Historical Society of Japan…………………(63)

<Summary>
Diplomatic Sovereignty of Korea under the Protectorate System
LEE Joosun

   This article analyses the question of Korea’s diplomatic sovereignty under the protectorate system of the Japanese Empire. It covers the period from the conclusion of the 1905 Japan-Korea Protectorate Treaty (Eulsa Treaty) to the annexation of Korea in 1910. It examines how, under the protectorate system, the commission of full powers was issued and a plenipotentiary was dispatched to international conferences, and how treaties were concluded and ratified.
   Chapter 1 deals with the question of the ratification of the “Hague Convention on Hospital Ships.” After the conclusion of the Japan-Korea Protectorate Treaty, Imperial Japan was faced with the question of ratification of the “Hague Convention” which had been signed by the Korean government in 1904. Although, legally speaking, ratification of treaties was a domestic affair which concerned only the people of the nation in question, the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs interpreted the ratification right of Korea as part of its diplomatic sovereignty. The Ministry devised a mechanism through which the ratification right of Korea was exercised by the Japanese Emperor, and this mechanism was applied to all the subsequent treaties. This was an attempt to expand the sphere of the Emperor’s rule to include the protectorate country, Korea. It is a significant step in the sense that it corresponds to the subsequent expansion of the Emperor’s rule, in both name and reality, after the annexation of Korea.
   Chapter 2 deals with the question of the signing of the Geneva Convention (the Amended Red Cross Convention) in July 1906. Although, in effect, it was the Japanese Emperor who exercised the right to conclude the treaty, still, formally speaking, it was the Korean Emperor who exercised the right. Hence, the Japanese government argued that the form of this treaty was no longer valid, and called for its nullification. It was in the process of this nullification campaign that Japan gained international acknowledgement (koshinryoku) for its protectorate over Korea. Chapter 3 examines a debate over the ratification of the same treaty.
   The essence of the relationship between Imperial Japan (the protector) and Imperial Korea (the protectorate) was that the former controlled the diplomatic sovereignty of the latter completely. Moreover, the control of diplomatic sovereignty was a significant step toward encroaching upon sovereignty over domestic affairs.


The British Tariff Reform Movement and Canadian Manufacturing Interests
FUKUSHI Jun

   This article examines the British tariff reform movement from the Canadian manufacturers’ perspective, focusing on the 1905 British tour of the Canadian Manufacturers’ Association (hereafter CMA).
   CMA conducted tours for the dual purposes of enhancing relationships among its members and inspecting industrial facilities. The 1905 tour, however, was aimed at generating support for the tariff reform movement led by Joseph CHAMBERLAIN, which was intended to bring to Britain imperial unity and the protection of its industries. Throughout this tour, CMA tried to convince British businessmen of the economic significance of tariff reform, from the standpoint of the protection of the domestic market and the creation of jobs. CMA also tried to satisfy the imperial sentiments of their hosts by arguing that Canadian economic development and the rise of Canadian nationalism were not incompatible with imperial unity. CMA members emphasised that their arguments were based on those by CHAMBERLAIN and consistent with them.
   Despite their efforts, however, CMA failed to attract British businessmen and to generate support for the tariff reform movement. Ironically enough, CMA members’ addresses exposed that CHAMBERLAIN and the other tariff reformers were making contradictory statements for the electorate in Britain on the one hand and for colonials on the other hand. Because of this, despite the wishes of the CMA, their 1905 British tour turned out to be rather counter-productive for the development of the tariff reform movement.

No.865 April 2010


Articles
Region, the State, and the Formation of Historical Consciousness:
  The Commemoration of “Martyrs of the Restoration”
  in the Meiji Period……………………………………………TAKATA Yūsuke(1)

Views and Reviews
On NAGAHARA Yōko (ed.), Colonial Responsibilities (Ⅱ)
 The Concept of ‘Colonial Responsibilities’ Examined in the Context of Global History
                           ……………AKITA Shigeru(20)
 Historiography of Modern India and the Concept of ‘Colonial Responsibilities’
                           ……………AWAYA Toshie(22)
 How “World History” was Introduced into the Curriculum of High Schools:
   A Comment on the Special Session at the 2009 Annual Meeting……KISAKI Hiromi(27)

Current Topics
Debates on Race in the USA Today……………………………HIGUCHI Hayumi(33)

Book Reviews (Unless otherwise noted, the works are written in Japanese)
ASAJI Takeshi, The Asia-Pacific War and the “Zenkoku Suihei-sha”
  (“ The National Association of the Levellers”) in Japan……SEKIGUCHI Hiroshi(43)
KANEKO, Hajime, “Center” and “Region” in Modern China……TANAKA Hiroshi(46)
SASAGAWA Norikatsu & YI Taejin (eds.), International Joint Research:
   “The Annexation of Korea” and the World Today……………BAI Rongxun(49)
HAYASHI Kayoko, 500 Years of Pax Ottomanica…………………SASAKI Shin(52)
SAKURAI Toshio, The Structure of German Feudal Society……MINAGAWA Taku(56)

Exhibition Reviews
The Image of East Asia in Modern Japanese Art………………………CHIBA Kei(58)

Society’s Announcements: The 2010 General Meeting of the Historical
  Society of Japan…………………………………………………………………(62)
<Summary>
Region, the State, and the Formation of Historical Consciousness:
   The Commemoration of “Martyrs of the Restoration” in the Meiji Period
TAKATA Yusuke

   This article is an attempt to grasp various aspects of historical consciousness and historical images in Modern Japan, through an analysis of the phenomenon of commemoration of the Martyrs of the Restoration (“Junnnan-shishi,” those who fought and died for the cause of the Meiji Restoration) in the former Tosa Domain. It tries to analyze the question as a political process, paying special attention to the complicated interrelationship between regional politics and state politics, and the role of the Tosa faction in the central government.
   Chapter 1 deals with the attempts of commemoration in the early years of the Meiji period. In the process of commemoration policy promoted by the state, the names of the “Martyrs” were compiled in the region (Kochi Prefecture) and were presented to the central government. It is pointed out that certain personages of Tosa origin in the central government were deeply involved in this process. Chapter 2 argues that, until the second decade of the Meiji period, the development of political processes in the region and the commemoration policy pursued in the center were inextricably intertwined. Chapter 3 reveals that the commemoration of the “Martyrs” officially adopted by the center subsequently served to mitigate conflict in the region (which had been continuing since the final years of the Edo period and the beginning of the Restoration) and led to a reconciliation between the conflicting parties. Chapter 4 deals with the situation after the Russo-Japanese War, concentrating on the question of the “Martyrs” who had been left out of official commemoration, attempts to commemorate them, and the attitude of the government toward this tendency.
   This article is an attempt to present a new framework for analyzing the process of the formation of historical consciousness, focusing on interaction between region and the state.

No.864 March 2010

Articles
Temple-Shrines and Local Society in Medieval Japan……………KIDA Kiyoshi(1)
The Kabo Reforms(1894-95) and the Concept of
  Royal Power in Korea……………………………………………ITŌ Shunsuke(2)

Current Topics
On the Nature of the Crisis in Iran in June 2009:
  Thirty Years After the Revolution……………………YOSHIMURA Shintarō(35)

Book Reviews (Unless otherwise noted, the works are written in Japanese)
KITAI Toshio, The Iwashimizu Shrine and the Honganji
  Temple in the Sengoku Period…………………………KAWABATA Yasuyuki(43)
HIROTA Masaki, Discrimination in the History of Japan……KUROKAWA Midori(46)
HAMAMOTO Mami, Islam in “Holy Russia”………………NISHIYAMA Katsunori(49)
SATŌ Tsugitaka, A History of Sugar in the Daily Life
  of the Muslim World………………………………………………OZAKI Kikuko(52)

Exhibition Reviews
The Railway Museum……………………………………………KAMETANI Hiroaki(56)

Announcements: A Statement Concerning the Enforcement
  of the Law on the Administration of Public Archives…………………………(60)

<Summary>
Temple-Shrines and Local Society in Medieval Japan:
   The Case of Kawakami Shrine in Hizen Province
KIDA Kiyoshi

   In Medieval Japan, a local temple-shrine was one of the social groups which constituted the local society. As a political and economic organization, it had to struggle hard to survive, just as other social groups in Medieval Japan. This article takes up the case of Kawakami Shrine in Hizen Province on the Island of Kyushu, and examines how the temple-shrine as a whole and its members (Buddhist monks and Shintō priests) adapted to changing political and economic circumstances.
   Kawakami Shrine was Hizen-no-kuni-chinju, the shrine for the guardian deity of Hizen Province. This deity was conceived of as the guardian of the peace of both the province and the provincial government (kokuga). It was a religious institution under the protection of the provincial goverment. A Buddhist temple, Jintsuji, was attached to the shrine. Many priests and monks served in Kawakami Shrine, amongst whom the zasu(the chief Buddhist priest)and the daiguji (the chief Shintō priest)occupied the highest posts in the hierarchy.
   Financially, the administration of Kawakami Shrine was supported by tax-exempt paddy fields (menden) owned by the provincial government, which periodically carried out cadastral surveys to determine, renew, and re-arrange the distribution of these fields. As the authority of the provincial government declined in the 14th century, the administration of Kawakami Shrine was faced with increasing difficulties.
Under these circumstances, Kawakami Shrine was compelled to diversify its economic activities to lessen its reliance on the tax-exempt paddy fields formerly provided by the provincial government, and to strengthen its relationship with the local society. While the clergy as a whole tried to attract and enlist the influential families in the region, each priest, on his own individual basis, accumulated economic interests in local society through donation, purchase, and inheritance. As a result of these developments, Kawakami Shrine grew into an autonomous social and economic organization, which played a significant role in local society.


The Kabo Reforms (1894-95) and the Concept of Royal Power in Korea
ITO Shunsuke

   This article is an attempt to examine the nature of the modern reformist movement in Korea, focusing on the concept of “royal power” and its changing implications in the context of various factors which surrounded the movement.
   Originally, the Moderate Enlightenment Group was rather traditional in its political outlook, in the sense that it believed in a regime based on the idea of “all people under one king”, and tried to strengthen the substantial powers of the monarch. In contrast, PAK Young-hyo insisted that the royal powers should be limited, referring to the idea of constitutional monarchy in Western Europe. Actually, however, even PAK Young-hyo’s argument was traditional in a sense, since it was based on the premise that a monarch had a political role to play.
   In the first stage of the Kabo Reforms, the Moderate Enlightenment Group, while aspiring to enhance the symbolic authority of the monarch and to establish a regime based on the idea of “all people under one king” under King Kojong, in reality tried at the same time to conduct actual politics under the leadership of Taewongun. Theoretically speaking, a king was expected to have both symbolic authority and political ability. However, since Kojong was connected with the Min clan, the Moderate Enlightenment Group could not leave actual political powers in his hands. Consequently, they were compelled to separate symbolic and political powers.
   In the second stage of the Reforms, PAK Yong-hyo joined the cabinet, under the auspice of INOUE Kaoru. A conflict took place, however, between the Moderate Enlightenment Group and PAK Yong-hyo, as a result of a disagreement over who was the legitimate successor to the Chosun Dynasty (i.e. Taewongun or Kojong), and this eventually led to the collapse of the Reforms. In this process, a rather paradoxical phenomenon was observed, in that each party was compelled to behave, under the pressure of actual political developments, in a way quite opposite to its own concept of royal power.
   This paradox, which was the result of the intersection of ideology and political behavior under the pressure of real politics, was the very nature of the Kabo Reforms.

No.863 February 2010

SPECIAL Issue:
  Re-Examining Modern Historiography: Cases from Asia
Preface…………………………………………………………the Editorial Board(1)
Articles
The Emergence of Modern Historiography in China:
  Re-examining LIANG Qichao’s “New History”………YOSHIZAWA Seiichirō(2)
The Emergence of “History of Iran”: Historiography
  in Qajar Iran………………………………………………MORIKAWA Tomoko(12)
The Sino-Siamese Relationship in the Dynastic
  Chronicles of the Rattanakosin Era…………………………KOIZUMI Junko(22)
Colonial Education and Modern Historiography: A Study of
  History Textbooks in Malay in British Malaya……………………SŌDA Naoki(32)
Comments
Comments on the Articles………………………………………MIYACHI Masato(42)

Current Topics
The Coup d'Etat in Honduras and the Changes in International Society……OGURA Hidetaka(47)

Exibition Reviews
One Day, Japanese Troops came, and… :
  Wartime Rape and ‘Comfort Stations' in China………………AKIYAMA Yōko(56)

Announcements
National Budget Cuts and Their Implications for
  the Future of Young Scholars: Comments and Requests……………………(60)

Recent Publications……………………………………………………………(61)


<Summary>
The Emergence of Modern Historiography in China :
   Re-examining LIANG Qichao's “New History”
YOSHIZAWA Seiichiro

   In 1902, LIANG Qichao published a series of articles titled “A New History,” which played a seminal role in the formative process of modern historiography in China.
   Although LIANG Qichao tried to present a picture of “Chinese history” as a continuous process which extends though different historical dynasties, he never succeeded in defining the exact contents of this history. This was not his fault, however. Rather, it was a reflection of the difficult political realities with which China was destined to cope in many years to come, i.e. the difficulties of integrating different ethnicities into a single nation state.
   LIANG Qichao was aspiring to build a modern state constituted by independent individuals who were united by the concept of public morals. This, in turn, prevented him from developing an ideology of national integration based on the emphasis of “national essence”. It was equally difficult for him to adopt the concept of “national polity,” which was influential in the education of Meiji Japan.
   LIANG Qichao criticized traditional Chinese historiography which was written from the viewpoint of each dynasty and based upon feudalistic values such as lord-vassal ethos. However, it did not mean that he believed that history should be an “objective science.” Rather, he wanted historiography to play a role as a tool of nation-building, providing the emerging nation with a vivid image about its past.


The Emergence of “History of Iran” : Historiography in Qajar Iran
MORIKAWA Tomoko

   History-writing in Persian languages has been quite active throughout the ages. Most of the historical works thus produced dealt with “general history”, which extends from the Creation of the world to the modern times, and is divided into two parts, namely before and after Hijra (622 A.D.) of Prophet Muhammad. History of the pre-Islamic period consists of the “history of the prophets” and “history of the kings”, and the history of Islamic period, in its turn, consists of the histories of respective dynasties. This kind of narrative was continuously adopted and was adhered to by the authors, until the 19th century.
   The latter half of the 19th century, however, witnessed a new development in Persian historiography. Two Persian books published in 1860-70's, i.e. Name-ye Khosravan of Jalal al-Din Mirza and Tarikh-e Iran of Etemad al-Saltane, are especially important in this context, for they represent the first attempt on the part of historians to write a history of ‘Iran’ as a continuous and comprehensive entity, as opposed to the traditional “general history”.
   It is interesting to note, however, that this new type of historiography was produced under the strong influence of European historiography of the time, such as History of Persia (1815) by Sir J. Malcolm. Besides, the historiography in Qajar Iran, again under the influence of European Orientalism, attached great importance to the ‘ancient history of Iran’ as the symbol of their national history and produced ‘Iranian nationalism’ based on their newly founded ?Iranian history'.


The Sino-Siamese Relationship in the Dynastic Chronicles of the Rattanakosin Era
KOIZUMI Junko

   The Dynastic Chronicles of the Rattanakosin Era from the First to Fourth Reigns were written and compiled by Chaophraya Thiphakorawong in 1869. In the early twentieth century, Prince Damrong, a half-brother of King Chulalongkorn, who was later praised as the Father of Siamese History, “revised” the texts and published them in part in two volumes: The Dynastic Chronicles of Rattanakosin Era, the First Reign (1901), and the Second Reign (1917). According to Damrong's account, the latter marked the establishment of new modern history as a “Science of Example” that emphasized causal relations based on evidence. This article examines the characteristics of Damrong's history writing as a “Science of Example” by comparing two versions of the above-mentioned Dynastic Chronicles, focusing, in particular, on how Sino-Siamese relations were represented. It is revealed that Damrong's revisions deleted all the expressions that indicated the Siamese “tributary relationship” with China from Thiphakorawong's texts, while introducing a new element that claimed the restoration of Ayutthaya's glorious traditions. Damrong also published a Thai translation of the related Chinese records as part of the Collected Chronicles, sans the records of the early Rattanakosin period. Such all-encompassing historical activities, including the production of source materials that only supported his history writing, ensured the Prince's enduring influence upon the historical studies of Siam.


Colonial Education and Modern Historiography:
   A Study of History Textbooks in Malay in British Malaya
SODA Naoki

   This article aims to examine the impact of modern historiography on Malay vernacular education in colonial Malaya. For this purpose, it makes a comparative textual analysis of the two school textbooks on Malay history that were used in Malay primary schools and teacher training colleges in British Malaya, namely, Kitab Tawarikh Melayu (A Book of Malay History) by a British scholar-administrator R.O. Winstedt and Sejarah Alam Melayu (History of the Malay World) by a Malay teacher Abdul Hadi Haji Hasan.
   Unlike the preceding Malay classical literature (hikayat), both of these textbooks dealt with Malay history through the method of modern historiography, that is, the scientific positivist approach. It is interesting to note that, applying this new method, Winstedt and Abdul Hadi drew up somehow similar pictures concerning the Malay history. They both shared the concept of “space” with its territorial implications, thus understanding Malay territoriality to exist at three levels-the negeri-negeri Melayu (Malay states), Tanah Melayu (the Malay Peninsula or Malaya) and alam Melayu (the Malay world). They also shared the concept of “community”, in accordance with which the Malays were understood as a bangsa (race, people) and were acknowledged their hybridity. As for the concept of “time”, they both divided Malay history into distinctive stages, i.e. from the “primitive” to the “Hindu-Buddhist”, and then to the “Islamic,” relying on notions such as “progress” and “civilization”. Then, these stages were followed by the stage of the coming of the Europeans: the Portuguese, the Dutch and the Britons.
   At the same time, however, there is also a notable difference between the two authors, when it comes to question of how to write the Malay history. While Winstedt focused on history of the Malays in the Malay Peninsula (Malaya), Abdul Hadi attempted to broaden the scope of Malay history. Abdul Hadi constructed the history of the Malays not only in the Peninsula but also in the other parts of the Malay world (the Malay archipelago) and paid attention to the coming of the Siamese and the Chinese into the Malay world.
   Thus, the introduction of modern historiography into Malay vernacular education promoted the transmission and transformation of the new concept of Malayness, paving the way for the formation of pan-Malay identity.

No.862 January 2010

Articles
The System of Pardons and Its Transformation
  in the NABESHIMA Family of the Saga Domain………NOGUCHI Tomotaka(1)

Views and Reviews
Re-examining the History of Post-War Japanese Historiography……NARITA Ryūichi(19)
On NAGAHARA Yōko (ed.), Colonial Responsibilities
 “Colonial Responsibilities” and the World History………MINAMIZUKA Shingo(27)
 Promising Tasks in the Scrutiny of Colonial Responsibilities……ITAGAKI Yūzō(31)

Current Topics
What Has Caused “the Problem of Somali Pirates”?:
  The Fanfare of the Revival of “Japanese Empire”
  as Played in Africa…………………………………TAKABAYASHI Toshiyuki(37)

Book Reviews (Unless otherwise noted, the works are written in Japanese)
FUJII Jyōji, A Study in the “Ryochi Ategai” System
  (Granting the Fiefs) of the Tokugawa Shogunate………………ŌNO Mizuo(45)
CHIBA Isao, The Emergence of “Old Diplomacy”:
  Japanese Diplomacy 1900-1919……………………………SAKURAI Ryōju(48)
IMAI Shun, The Sichuan Province in the Modern Chinese History……HAYASHI Kōji(51)
MURAKAWA Yōko, Citizenship on Border:
  The Japanese Americans during the US-Japanese War……MATSUMOTO Yūko(54)

Exhibition Reviews
Japan as a Paradise for Yōkai (Spectres) :
From Picture Roll to Comics……………………………………EMURA Hiroyuki(58)

Recent Publications……………………………………………………………(61)

<Summary>
The System of Pardons and Its Transformation
   in the NABESHIMA Family of Saga Domain
NOGUCHI Tomotaka

   Until recently, researchers on the system of pardons in early modern Japan have concentrated on the legal aspects of pardons issued by the Shogunate , especially in the latter half of the Edo period. Consequently, we have had no clear idea about the entire picture of pardons throughout the Edo period. Nor do we know about how the system of pardons was actually applied by local feudal lord families in their respective domains (han).
   The present article takes up the case of Saga Domain and examines the system of pardons applied by both the NABESHIMA family (the head family of the domain) and by the Ogi NABESHIMA family (a vassal branch family). We deal mainly with the pardons issued towards the warrior class. Based on the case study concerning Saga Domain, this article also aims to analyze the structure of relationship between individual domains and the Shogunate.
   As a result of the analysis, the following points were made clear: 1) In the early Edo Period, pardons were made on an arbitrary basis by the feudal lord, mainly on the occasion of family congratulations or sorrows. Gradually, however, the system of pardons became more regularized; 2) When the head family, the NABESHIMA family issued pardons, they were applied throughout the entire Domain. On the other hand, the head family did not make a pardon on the occasion of congratulations or sorrows in the branch family, the Ogi NABESHIMA family; and 3) After the Kan'ei and Shoho years (1624-1648), the Shogunate did not give instructions to the NABESHIMA family to make pardons, except in a few cases. Although the NABESHIMA family issued pardons on the occasion of congratulations or sorrows of the Shogun's family, they were issued voluntarily. This corresponds to the fact that, after the middle and late 17th century, the Shogunate refrained from interfering in the judicial powers of the feudal lords.